Like a medieval bard, Prince Miangul Aurangzeb is steeped in stories that will die with him. He airbrushes politicians of half a century past with broad strokes of satire, truth and colourful imagery. Nothing is off the record for this man whose own life is intertwined with love, tragedy, palace intrigue and power undiluted. Ask him anything and he tells you. “I've nothing to hide.” As the ADC to General Ayub Khan, this married man father of two, set tongues on fire when he fell in love with the boss's teenage daughter. Pindi was a small, quaint town and to see the Army Chief marry his beautiful daughter Nasim to the much-married and much-older man was simply surreal. Their fairytale marriage lasted until Nasim died one February afternoon nine years ago leaving behind five children to remember her each day.
The Wali of Swat disinherited his firstborn and left the Marble Palace at Saidu Sharif to Aurangzeb's younger brother. The Prince and his father never spoke with each other again. Today the disinherited Aurangzeb, 81, lives in the same house that Nasim decorated when her father made Islamabad the capital. The bustling house has aged gracefully like its inmate. Nothing is permanent except change, say the wise. But the only change I notice whenever I visit him is a new installment of his memoirs waiting to be shared. He stores them in his head. His list of etiquette also swells. The Prince seems to be adding new chapters. Woe betide if you happen to put your glass down without a mat on his table. Or cut the cake clumsily to make it crumble. Or make the coffee dribble. Or use the 'loo' once too often. He's a control freak who keeps some of his untamed guests in a straitjacket. But once you get past these little booby traps set up for you, it's a smooth ride. Spending time with the octogenarian is a rare treat. The timeless space that he inhabits is dyed with memories in sepia that come alive and knock you down with history coming out from all the corners. You start to live it.
“My Indian teacher Ram Lal Mehta told us never to fold your handkerchief before putting it in the pocket,” says the firstborn to the Wali of Swat. The common logic being that whenever you use the kerchief, you have to first unfold it. I guess the English teacher at Doon School in Dehra Doon where the Prince was sent for his early education expected his young wards to be in a state of preparedness anticipating a sneeze to happen that could leave a generous spray on others or a sniffle or two starting a downward trickle of dredged mucous. Boys will be boys, you know.
His good friend WL promised to send him his column that appears in an English daily. “I waited but he never sent it. When I reminded him, WL said I should spend Rs 10 and buy the newspaper myself.” The Prince was suitably piqued. “He should not have promised me in the first place!” But now that Miangul Aurangzeb does not wield the power he once did, people don't take him too seriously. “If I was a VIP my friend WL would have sent me his column or Aitzaz Ahsan would have taken my telephone call or Mian Nawaz Sharif would have made time to meet me.” As the latter's governor in Balochistan and NWFP, the Prince wanted to pay his respects to his former boss when he returned from Jeddah in 2007. He's still awaits that telephone call.
“I'm not a bad man,” the Prince told Nawaz Sharif when he praised his performance as an MNA sitting in the opposition on a PML seat. “Mian Sahib had denied me a ticket in 1990 when I asked him. Later, as governor Balochistan, the Prince enjoyed a “frank” relationship with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. “But whenever I'd advise him about any issue, Mian Sahib would merely respond by saying 'Allah khair karey ga.'” This would always annoy the Prince. For instance, he genuinely wanted his boss to become friends with wily Akbar Bugti. Once the PM air-dashed to Quetta to meet Bugti in secret. Aurangzeb got wind of it and was at the airport to receive his boss. “At Nawab Bugti's house I told Mian Sahib to go to another room where the two should talk in privacy.” They did. Nawaz Sharif never asked Aurangzeb why he gave this advice. “I wanted to save my PM from the humiliation of being rebuked by Bugti in public. He had gone to ask Bugti for his support in the Senate elections.” Earlier the PM had sent that stupid Saifur Rehman to Quetta for the same favour. “Bugti threw him out in 5 minutes.”
In July of 1996 Nawaz Sharif, who had a very acrimonious relationship with Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto asked Aurangzeb when Bhutto would quit. “In November or December” pat came the Prince's reply. His prophecy was based on the simple logic that the establishment would not want BB to be in government when the Senate elections came around 1997. “But Mian Sahib forgot about my prophecy when he came to power. He never gave me any credit.” Aurangzeb uttered the same warning in March 1999 to Nawaz Sharif when they were driving to attend General Jillani's funeral. “I told Mian Sahib that in my opinion our government won't last beyond this year because the Senate elections were due next year. He brushed me aside.”
The other three passengers, Sharif's policy wonks were Sartaj Aziz, Saeed Mehdi and Lt. Gen (Retd) Abdul Majid Malik. The first two gentlemen ignored his warning and sided with Nawaz Sharif's view that Aurangzeb was talking nonsense. “But Majid Malik agreed with my prognosis.” The retired general was a major in 1956 when he drafted a resignation which General Ayub Khan forced President Iskandar Mirza to sign. He knew the psyche of generals and their hunger for power. General Musharraf sent Nawaz Sharif packing on October 12, 1999.
Was Ayub Khan really the villain as he's painted? I ask the son-in-law. Did Gohar Ayub and his brothers misuse their father's position to enrich themselves? I continue. Miangul Aurangzeb has political and ideological differences with his in-laws. He does not hide the fact. But “to say they were corrupt and made millions is an exaggeration.” He cites examples of todays 'First sons' - people like Bilal Musharraf; Moonis Ilahi; Hamza Sharif and Hassan Nawaz who have sat in their father's offices and conducted their private affairs. Naturally, they've made money; never once bothering about conflict of interest.
Prince Aurangzeb's astringent distillation from facts and gossip on the rise and fall of the 'House of Ayub' strips away layers of nonsense that will get credence if left unpeeled. Ayub was neither a Satan nor a saint. Like the rest of our leaders he was a man with feet of clay. He trusted people who spiked him in the end. Aurangzeb shatters the silence, shielding none. Watch this space next week.
