Now, of course, when I talk about the mass transport system, I am referring to the large intra-city bus transit system. As unrefined, informal, and crass as it may seem, it is this system which supports the commuting needs of residents from various areas all over the city.
With the rising cost of fuel, vehicles and general transportation costs, it is this system which provides a cheap and reliable form of transport, which is largely managed in private hands.
However, the system is perceived very differently by residents of the city. For example, pedestrians, motorbike riders and car drivers will most definitely complain about the way they are driven on the road, having no regard for cars and bikes alike.
Many will even talk about the transport mafia that exists, making success impossible for new entrants in the industry. Some people may even call the overall system inefficient. However, my view is formed upon by a certain incident that forced a deeper insight into the business model that exists.
A certain bus journey of mine got extended by a snooze call, the embarrassing details of which I would rather forgo to focus on the industry itself. But that journey took me across a major chunk of Karachi, some areas which I might not ever visit otherwise.
I sat on the route W-21, which basically begins its way from Qayyumabad, going through DHA and heading to its final stop near Manghopir, crossing areas such as Sharah-e-Faisal, Liaquatabad, and, most intriguingly for me, Qasba colony and Kati Pahari, a bully pulpit for ethnic and political violence in recent days.
To give a small overview of how the industry itself works, all buses follow a specific route (the W-21 in my case), which cater to certain areas of the city. These routes are largely owned privately, many being established for decades. When people state the transport mafia perception, it all starts off with barriers to entry in creating new transport routes. It involves permissions, approvals, participation of bus and terminal owners, and finally ongoing publicity and route adjustments to make it workable.
I, personally, would disagree with the transport mafia aspect as there have been cases stated where new entrants have established themselves successfully. However, it is the difficulty of the start-up tasks involved which undermine success more than any other factor.
After taking on an established route, two critical factors involved are the participation of bus-owners, whose vehicles will cater to the defined course, and the fleet management aspect of the terminals.
After some digging for the economics of it, I discovered that a used, operable bus can be purchased from starting prices of Rs 600,000 on which bodywork is done to suit the budget and required capacity for the route. Drivers and conductors are hired on daily wages, numbers dependent on their arrangement with the owner. While all vehicles come with the standard diesel engine, most operating on the roads have switched to CNG.
Originated in Lahore, a unique innovation allows the diesel engine to be converted to CNG which would otherwise require an engine replacement. This conversion helps operators save up to 50 per cent on fuel costs. Maintenance costs depend on the condition of the vehicle, and its upkeep. But summing up, one vehicle can provide an average return of up to 50 per cent a year.
One can understand the method to their madness at a closer look, but the general public perception of operators is not very positive, and they understand it is so.
Given the implications of a vehicles size, even the slightest hit incidents often bring out public wrath and fury upon drivers. Many bus drivers have fallen victim to being beaten by the public over the slightest of issues.
In addition, strikes in the city bring a lot of damage to these buses, which are set ablaze very frequently by strikers of different parties.