TRUE, it's not as exciting as US President Barack Obama's much-publicised struggle to salvage his politically endangered healthcare package or US efforts to revamp policy on Afghanistan, but spare a thought for European Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso.

The Commission chief is embarked on an equally difficult task to win the hearts and minds of sceptical members of the European Parliament — and an even more sceptical and disengaged European public. There's no doubt that President Obama has the more difficult job. After all, the leader of the undisputed superpower looms much larger on the global landscape than the head of the European Union's executive arm.

While there was a heady period some years ago when EU policymakers talked confidently of becoming a 'counterbalance' to the US, Europeans have long since stopped strutting their stuff with similar declarations. For one, European diplomats realised, even when George W. Bush still ran the show in Washington, that while many foreign leaders were eager to forge closer links with the EU — and certainly wanted access to EU funds — only the US had the clout to hammer through difficult deals and forge compromises.

President Obama's personal charm and changed approach on issues as diverse as Guantanamo Bay, Iran, Iraq, Israel-Palestine relations and Afghanistan, meanwhile, has eroded the moral high ground that the EU successfully captured on these and other questions during the difficult Bush years.

A key European challenge in the coming months will therefore centre on developing a stronger foreign and security presence on the world stage, with a special focus on relations with Russia and Turkey but also China, Japan, India, Afghanistan and Pakistan. It's not going to be easy. But in a sign of the importance he gives to Europe's global standing, Mr Barroso told the European Parliament in a much-anticipated speech on Sept 3 that he was determined to “open up a new era in the projection of European interests worldwide”.

The Commission, as the driver of so many key external policies, would play its full part in seizing the moment to give Europe the weight it deserves on the global stage, said Mr Barroso, adding “We must not see external relations today as a separate 'box', but as part and parcel of how we achieve our internal policy goals.”

Barroso's support for a more potent EU foreign and security policy is welcome. But it's not enough. Much will depend on the personality, interests — and wisdom — of the future and first-ever EU foreign minister. Unlike the current EU high representative, Mr Javier Solana, whose mandate comes from European governments, the EU foreign minister will also be a vice president at the European Commission, thereby having access to fairly important financial resources and a big, powerful and competent civil service.

Much will also depend on whether EU member states — especially France, Britain and Germany which still see themselves as globally important players — will give the EU foreign minister the space to forge an independent policy. Mr Solana often had to compete with the French and other foreign ministers as he travelled across the world on EU peace missions.

Finally, the appointment of an EU foreign policy supreme is contingent on ratification of the Lisbon Treaty which will be put to the vote in Ireland on Oct 2, following its rejection by Irish voters last year. Developing a strong global presence is important but Mr Barroso's critics at the European Parliament are looking for more — much more. The assembly's socialist and liberal democrats have joined forces to demand that the Commission chief come up with a convincing political, economic and social manifesto for his next five years in office.

Otherwise, they have warned Mr Barroso, he will not get their backing. Both Liberal leader Guy Verhofstadt and Martin Schulz, his counterpart from the Socialists, have said that they want key positions for political allies in the Commission. The president is supported by the centre-right European People's Party, which is the biggest group in parliament, but he needs backing across other factions to secure a majority in the 736-strong house.

Such flexing of muscles is fairly new for the European Parliament which held elections in June this year amid falling voter turnout and the election of several far-right politicians to the assembly. Mr Barroso has promised the parliament he would implement a “transformational” agenda, if he is confirmed in office for another term. The priority will be to work for a successful exit from the financial crisis, tackle climate change and advance a “people's Europe”, he said.

“For Europe, this is a moment of truth,” he said, “Europe has to answer a decisive question do we want to lead, shaping globalisation on the basis of our values and our interests? Or will we leave the initiative to others and accept an outcome shaped by them?”

Mr Barroso added “Europe is facing stark choices in today's interdependent world. Either we work together to rise to the challenges, or we condemn ourselves to irrelevance.” Europe would try and project “European values and interests in the world”, Mr Barroso added. His supporters have hailed the document as the right recipe for curing Europe's ills, while his opponents have condemned it as the same old rhetoric.

Mr Barroso is due to meet the seven political groups over the coming week to spell out his policy position. The leaders of the groups will decide on Sept 10 whether to put the Barroso vote on the agenda of the mid-September session in Strasbourg. A further delay until October is set to be strongly criticised by national governments, which have been urging the parliament to appoint the next commission chief quickly so the EU can put this particular institutional scrap behind it.

In any case, even if Mr Barroso does get parliamentary backing in September and the Lisbon treaty is finally ratified, the EU is in for weeks of horse-trading over top jobs like the nomination of the new foreign minister and a permanent European Council president. As such, Mr Barroso's warning of the EU becoming “irrelevant” if it continues to indulge in navel-gazing needs to be taken very seriously.

The writer is Dawn'scorrespondent in Brussels.