LAHORE, Oct 29: Most of the targets set by all-powerful President and Chief Executive Gen Pervez Musharraf in his seven-point agenda on Oct 17, 1999, have not been achieved during the past two years and there is little possibility of the government being able to achieve them even during the remaining one year— for which it has been given a mandate by the Supreme Court— if the work continues at a pace it was carried out since its launching.
When the general unveiled his agenda through his address to the nation, it was being expected that a revolutionary change would take place within no time and the wrongs of the past rulers would be rectified to the relief of the common man. Anti-Nawaz forces, which had heaved a sigh of relief over the overthrow of the PML government, had hoped the beginning of a new era at the hands of a general though, some veteran leaders having a bitter experience of the previous martial laws, were not willing to share such an optimism.
The performance of the government on all fronts has been either totally disappointing or much below the expectations. If the purpose of launching a stern accountability process was to clear the stables of politics, the government has not succeeded at all. Billions of rupees have been recovered from various people but important people accused of being involved in corrupt practices are yet to be proceeded against.
The process had received a serious setback when deposed prime minister Nawaz Sharif and his family were banished to Saudi Arabia at a time when a large number of cases were sill pending against them. The banishment of the family would benefit many of the co-accused in the pending cases as the principal accused cannot participate in the proceedings to offer their point of view on the allegations. The attachment of some properties and assets of the Sharifs would take some time to complete because of the legal complexities.
Action against another former prime minister — Benazir Bhutto — because of various cases against her has also not been possible so far despite the fact that the proceedings had been started when the PML was in power. The pace of the ‘quick justice’ can be well measured by this example.
The government, though armed with all powers to change the laws and frame new ones to meet the requirements of a situation, has failed to take the proceedings to their logical conclusion.
So far, former chief ministers Manzoor Wattoo, Arif Nakai (now late), Aftab Sherpao, Sardar Mehtab Abbasi, Zulfikar Magsi, Taj Jamali, Abdullah Shah and Liaquat Jatoi have been convicted along with a number of former ministers and legislators. But their number is only in dozens.
According to a published report, 10,000 federal and provincial government employees were booked under the accountability laws since October 1999. About 2,000 of them have been dismissed, 1,500 suspended from service and 6,000 awarded minor penalties.
Some 30,000 acres of encroached lands of the forest and railways department were recovered during these two years.
According to official sources, a total of 367 cases were filed by the NAB against various people in the country. Of them, only 175 have so far been decided. In 133 cases the accused were convicted and in another 25 the respondents were acquitted. About 192 cases are still in progress in various courts of law.
Of all the cases, 155 were instituted in the Punjab, 92 in Sindh, 54 in NWFP and 66 in Balochistan. Some months ago, the NAB had claimed that 720 cases were under investigation. Of them 155 were against politicians (67 belonging to the PML and 48 to the PPP), 343 against bureaucrats and 28 against businessmen.
Over Rs 60 billion have been recovered by the NAB from the accused.
Revival of the national economy, which was another important item on the agenda, still remains a dream. If the situation had marked slight improvement, it has again gone back to square one with the emergence of a new situation in neighbouring Afghanistan. The ongoing military strikes have forced people to leave their homes and run to safety, increasing further burden on the already sagging economy of Pakistan.
Most of the refugees want to cross over to Pakistan despite the fact that some three million Afghans have already been living here for the last 20 years.
The war has created a situation of insecurity and a large number of foreigners working on various important projects have gone back to their countries, bringing the work to a halt. Investors are already shy, mainly because of the blunder committed by the PML government in freezing the foreign currency accounts after the May 1998 nuclear tests. The war in Afghanistan has added to their fears. No step taken by the government has so far been able to restore investor’s confidence.
No industrialisation has been seen during the last couple of years because of which the unemployment is on the rise, as also the number of suicides for economic reasons.
Tax survey launched by the government caused panic among the traders and businessmen and thousands of them fled abroad along with billions of dollars. The groggy economy will experience a more difficult situation now, and the survival will be possible only with the doses of foreign assistance by countries and agencies which want Pakistan to stand on their side in their war against Afghanistan.
Exports have declined and the ambitious target of $10 billion cannot be achieved in any case.
Devolution of power was the most important step taken by the government during the past two years. In the beginning it has caused more confusion among the masses than it has been helpful in the solution of their problems. The difficulties arising out of the enforcement of a new system were quite predictable. However, it is an experiment whose results would come to be seen after a long time.
Apparently, the government has not been able to achieve its target of loosening the grip of certain families over the entire system. Parties which the government wanted to keep away have crept in. A tug-of-war between the government and political parties will be seen during the period up to the elections. The government may try to use the elected representatives to strengthen its own position while the parties may ask them to destabilise the system.
Removal of inter-provincial disharmony has also not been possible. The Punjab is still being reviled by smaller provinces. Water dispute between the provinces remains a cause of bitterness. Mistrust is so deep-rooted that raids were conducted at various barrages to see water of other provinces was not being stolen by the Punjab.
All arrows in the PONAM’s quiver are being used against the Punjab.
Law and order remained as it was two years ago. It was expected that the crime graph would go down during the military rule, but it has not happened. Police remain as brutal and corrupt as it was before.
As for availability of quick justice, the less said the better.
Cases which were supposed to have been decided in weeks are still pending despite the fact that the apex court had issued clear instructions in this regard.
Depoliticisation of the state institutions was a very noble task the military government had given to itself. But, unfortunately, the government has not been successful in achieving the target. All state institutions are as politicised as ever. And there is little possibility of any change in the foreseeable future. Officials recruited on the basis of political loyalties and associations cannot be supposed to change their thinking. It’s not a ‘push button’ operation nor it would be realistic for anyone to expect quick results.
Political governments took years to politicise these institutions and expecting their depoliticisation in a few years is not a realistic approach. This is a gigantic task for which aeon will be required to get results.
Analysts say that in the times to come the political parties are going to create a situation that the government will have to spend more time to think about ways and means to sustain itself in power rather than pay any attention to the seven-point agenda.