Disinterest in polls
THE Election Commission of Pakistan is justified in voicing its apprehension that the voter turnout on Feb 18 will be poor, given the uninspiring show put up by various political parties on the campaign trail. What it should be questioning though is why the election scene is not gaining the momentum it should. Such an exercise should include a review of its own role vis-à-vis campaigning rules, voter registration and its failure to address election-related complaints. The latter two are factors of greater concern, although it is true that the ECP’s code of conduct, despite many positive features, contains curbs on campaigning that do not exactly encourage spirited electioneering. It is worrisome that despite its claims of installing mechanisms to ensure transparency in polls, the ECP should have bungled so much that it initially released a list of only 52 million voters, about 20 million less than the number in the 2002 elections. Later, it made amends on Supreme Court directives, and the number now stands at 81 million, but the fact that it could make a blunder of such monumental proportions has done little credit to its image. Equally disturbing has been the ECP’s inability to address the hundreds of complaints ranging from pre-poll rigging to violations of the code of conduct. Showing assertiveness on this front and investigating the complaints with honesty of purpose would have been much better than merely imploring parties to refrain from mudslinging.
However, the ECP can only shoulder part of the blame. Its hands are tied when it comes to the general atmosphere of insecurity that prevails in the country, one which has, in large measure, contributed to the absence of more vigorous campaigning. The assassination of Benazir Bhutto exacerbated those fears, besides casting gloom on the electioneering process. Added to this is general voter apathy. Not only have political parties failed to mobilise the masses, the misgivings that the electorate harbours against politicians who have rarely delivered on their promises of democracy and economic reform have caused many to be more concerned about day-to-day survival than elections. In fact, the first stirrings of protest that one saw last year have yet to be channelled to create wider awareness regarding the importance of the ballot as the best way to make the nation’s presence felt. With democracy a jaded exercise, and one that has been frequently interrupted by bouts of army or quasi-military rule, it is no surprise that voter turnout has mostly remained below 50 per cent. Statistics show that very frequently the actual number of people voting has been less than in the previous election. It goes without saying that this trend must be reversed by future regimes through the introduction of genuine democratic — and economic — reforms that persuade the voter that exercising one’s choice of government can often lead to positive results.
Civilianising the regime
IN the wake of the de-linking of the offices of President and Chief of Army Staff last November, Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s decision to ‘de-induct’ serving officers from civilian departments makes eminent sense. Among the perverse side-effects of the army’s takeover of the government has been the induction of serving armed forces personnel into civilian positions. Besides giving the civilian bureaucracy and politicians a ‘we are here to stay’ message, army officers’ presence in government departments has served no other purpose save that of contributing to the unbridled militarisation of the state structure with its consequent chaos and demoralisation of the civilian cadres. While Ayub, Yahya and Zia all foisted army officers on civilian institutions, the military regime beginning in Oct 1999 surpassed previous records, with the army involvement ranging from top administrative positions to ‘men in uniform’ discovering ghost schools and reading electricity meters.
Posted in key government departments and public corporations, serving and retired army officers were supposed to achieve miracles and turn what had become white elephants into going concerns. In this category fell Wapda, the Railways, KESC, PIA, OGDC, Pakistan Steel, the Prime Minister’s Inspection Commission, the Cricket Board and — lo and behold — universities. However, notwithstanding some commendable efforts here and there to improve matters, their long-term presence made no difference to the fortunes of these entities, most of which continued to sink under the weight of top heavy administrations and endemic corruption. Often, some if not all of these officers had no special qualifications to carry out salvage operations and in the end failed to deliver, even though they enjoyed powers and perks and privileges their civilian counterparts did not.
Gen Kayani has spoken about serving army officers seconded to civilian posts. His orders would not apply to ex-servicemen who have been appointed to all government departments and corporations. In fact there is a job quota for them. This is clearly an anachronism. Since some of these retired officers may be quite competent, the best course would be to employ them on merit through open competition. What Gen Kayani is doing was long overdue. The militarisation of the state has done enormous harm to Pakistan, brought the armed forces into disrepute and often led to heart burn among civilians who were sometimes given short shrift.
Shortage of trained manpower
THE country is facing an acute shortage of skilled manpower at a time when a construction boom has created a demand for mid-level technical workers. This problem has been identified by the ministry of labour in a report, ‘Pakistan Employment Trends’. It is paradoxical that on the one hand we have a high unemployment rate while on the other there are unfilled vacancies in the construction sector. The fact is that of the 25 million youth in the country only 1.7 per cent can be provided technical education and training. Given the unplanned expansion of education in the country and the failure to link it to the employment sector, the government has not set up an adequate number of vocational institutions and polytechnics. With only 540 institutions to provide mid-level technical education, the country’s capacity to train skilled people is very limited indeed. All the resources appear to be channelled into higher education and technical universities.
This is just the quantitative aspect of the problem. The quality of the training provided by vocational schools and polytechnics is not too satisfactory either. Most of these institutions are ill-equipped to impart even basic training in some areas of expertise. With no vocational guidance provided to students, the enrolment in various disciplines is quite lopsided. Consequently, as pointed out by experts, the demand for a trained workforce in certain sectors continues to be met through the traditional shagirdi system. Qualified engineers in charge of construction projects are forced to hire raw manpower to do the work which should have been done by a trained technical hand. The shagird (apprentice) learns the skills on the job through trial and error. But this indigenous solution to fill the gap between supply and demand of mid-level technical skill has failed to keep abreast of modern technology that has made rapid strides. It is time the government addressed this problem and actually did something about it. There has been a lot of talk but little action. Thus last year, President Musharraf had suggested the opening of technical training centres at union council level but nothing was done. In July 2007, the Sindh governor issued an ordinance to establish the Sindh Technical Education and Vocational Training Authority to formulate policies for technical education in the province. This has also proved to be a non-starter.
Most Europeans favour Obama
EUROPEAN Union leaders, policymakers and ordinary citizens are transfixed by the fiercely fought Democratic presidential race that has pit Senators Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton against each other in a neck and neck battle for cash and votes.
Europe’s fascination for US politics is not difficult to understand. EU officials and diplomats recognise that while the 27-nation bloc has ambitions to become a global player, the US remains the world’s one and only superpower.
Whoever wields power in Washington makes policy that affects the rest of the world and influences the future political direction of Europe. Cooperation with Washington is therefore imperative.
Unmistakably, after years of tense and acrimonious relations with the Bush administration over issues such as Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East, EU policymakers are hoping to establish a more balanced and even amicable relationship with the next man or woman in the White House.
Second, having faced the wrath not only of President George W. Bush but also the so-called hawks and neocons in the Republican Party, most EU officials make no secret of their hope that the next president will be a Democrat.
But there is more to Europe’s interest in events on the other side of the Atlantic than meets the eye. Interestingly, many Europeans — even women — appear to be rooting for a victory for Obama, believing this will mean more change in American foreign policy than electoral success for Clinton.
In fact, if newspaper headlines are any indication, across the continent, European elites are infatuated with Obama, who is now a cult figure.
Europeans’ focus on the US is a reflection of the current sorry state of EU politics and politicians. Drama and passion in the US contrast with the lacklustre leadership style of most EU heads of government, including British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Spain’s Premier Jose Luis Zapatero.
Given her increasing domestic troubles, German Chancellor Angela Merkel appears to be losing her earlier reputation as the EU’s golden girl. French President Nicolas Sarkozy continues to be viewed as mercurial and unreliable while Italian politics remain a mess following the end of the government led by Romano Prodi.
In fact, after seeing American democracy in high gear, Europeans are fretting over the relative lack of democracy at home. Unlike America’s presidential primary elections, the process of selecting a first-ever EU president will be carried out behind closed doors. A former British premier is hoping to get the job — but the decision will depend on EU heads of state and government, not the public.
Small wonder then that Europeans, bored with their own leaders and domestic politics, view the ongoing American presidential campaign as more passionately riveting than the antics of their own politicians. In fact, Walter Veltroni, the man replacing Italy’s Prodi as leader of the centre-left coalition, is openly campaigning as Italy’s answer to Obama.
Ironically, while few Europeans believe a man or woman from their own racial/ethnic minorities could ever aspire to lead a European nation, most are enthusiastic about Obama’s chances of entering the White House and wish him success over Clinton. They may have once dismissed him as too lightweight, too young, too inexperienced and too black, but Obama is now a hero in Europe.
“Can you imagine a British general election where the choice is between a 71-year-old war hero, a 60-year-old woman and a 46-year-old mixed-race rookie?” asked the well-known political commentator Timothy Garton Ash in a recent article.
“People are drawn irresistibly to the American presidential race because it’s like an exciting horse race or a well-made soap opera — precisely the qualities that the political institutions of the European Union most spectacularly lack,” Ash said, adding: “Moreover, the heart of the competition is not between contrasting policies, ideologies or visions. For now, at least, these primaries are mainly about individual characters selling versions of themselves — and telling stories about themselves and America.”
The European media is in fact saturated with election coverage that is heavily biased in favour of the Democrats. Some German papers have hailed Obama as ‘the new Kennedy’. The young senator from Illinois had ‘captivated the world’, declared Britain’s left-leaning The Independent.
In the Netherlands, a poll by the Algemeen Dagblad newspaper found that of the 150 members of the country’s House of Representatives, 58 would vote for Obama if they could and 40 for Clinton. Only 23 would vote for a Republican, with no further breakdown given. And in France, an online poll at the website of the left-leaning newsweekly Le Nouvel Observateur gave Obama 61 per cent of support to Clinton’s 30 per cent, with 3,300 votes cast.
An editorial in the Brussels-based, centre-right De Standaard articulated a view shared by many Europeans: “American presidential elections are not ‘home affairs’. American decisions have repercussions all over the globe… Hence, the world should be given the right to vote.” What European elites really seem to want is the right to ‘help’ Americans choose the ‘correct’ candidate.
In France, the centre-left Libération said the new leader of the French Socialist Party should be someone with Obama’s profile: “The French Left seeks a charismatic leader, age 46, of mixed race, to deliver a message of hope and unity. At a time when American Democrats are discovering their new hero, it would be a good time for the Socialist Party and their friends to find a Barack Obama to end their internal quarrels.”
As regards policies, Europeans are hoping for a fresh start in transatlantic relations on issues such as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq or US failure to commit boldly to measures to combat climate change. The main hope is that the new leader will re-orient US foreign policy in a more multilateral direction, with increased focus on cooperating with Europe on the political and military fronts but also as regards environmental policies.
But even if these wishes do not come true — there are hopes that Obama will change the spirit and the tone of the currently strained transatlantic conversation.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels.
OTHER VOICES - Bangladesh Press
Curbing inflation
Jugantor
INFLATION has reached new heights, and so have the people’s sufferings. According to the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, inflation soared to 11.59 per cent in December, up from 11.21 per cent a month ago. People’s purchasing power has been eroded. The growth of GDP, a broader index of economic health, is losing its pace. The World Bank put the growth rate at 5.5 per cent for the current fiscal year, lower than 6.5 per cent recorded in the previous fiscal year. Twin floods and tropical Cyclone Sidr slowed economic growth. Higher food prices added to the people’s woes.
The government failed to keep in check the prices of essential commodities, especially those of rice. Fears of a further rise in food prices loom large. It is highly unlikely that the price of rice on the international market will decline anytime soon, the central bank has warned. The Bangladesh Bank recommended an increase in local output to keep the price of rice at bay.
Salehuddin Ahmed, governor of the central bank, said only monetary policy was not enough to control inflation. There is more to it. The rate of inflation, which is now hitting a 17-year high, outpaced the rise in people’s income. It all happened despite the central bank’s ‘cautious’ monetary policy.
However, for the January-June period, the central bank has laid out a slightly liberal policy — a clear shift in its stance — expecting higher demand for loans. Economists suggested that Bangladesh must increase the local output of commodities and cut dependence on imports. Private banks have been asked to give farm loans, besides giving loans to the industrial and services sectors. The government must respond to the growing concern over higher food prices and slowing economic growth. The government must watch the market and move cautiously. — (Feb 8)
Verdict on future
Samokal
A LANDMARK verdict came on Wednesday in a high-profile case against embattled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina revealing sharp insights into the future. The high court scrapped all proceedings of the extortion case against Hasina, filed by businessman Azam Jahangir Chowdhury.
Also, the trial under emergency powers was ruled illegal. It is expected to seal the fate of other cases in similar circumstances. According to the high court, incidents that took place long before the state of emergency came into effect cannot be brought under the cover of emergency rules, denying the accused the right to seek bail.
The verdict came days after the caretaker government’s law and justice adviser A.F. Hassan Ariff said the fate of a slew of pre-1/11 cases which were recorded during the state of emergency hinged on the judgment in the Hasina case. Wednesday’s court verdict threw into uncertainty the cases against hundreds of politicians, businessmen and others. The court observed that no law can be made contradicting and undermining the basic rights of citizens laid out in the constitution.
The Fakhruddin administration, empowered by the army, widened the net of jurisdiction far beyond that expected and put behind bars a band of high-profile people, including the country’s two former prime ministers. The initial response of the people to the anti-corruption crackdown was warm. People thanked the government for bringing to book some who had clearly been marked for corruption but were apparently beyond the reach of the law.
The legal battle in Hasina’s case is far from over. The government filed an appeal with the appellate division of the supreme court against the high court verdict. The decision by the appellate division is still unknown, but the high court’s insights will spotlight future judgments. — (Feb 8)
— Selected and translated by Arun Devnath