Making amends for the past setbacks

THREE years of the governor’s rule in Balochistan ended with the formal induction of Jam Yusuf as chief minister after he was elected Leader of the House by the Balochistan Assembly on Sunday morning, with the oath-taking ceremony taking place hours later.

By all standards, it was a one-man rule and perhaps the longest since the partyless election in 1985. The governor enjoyed sweeping powers, without any check or the process of accountability, in the absence of an elected assembly.

He, however, he remained loyal and accountable to President Gen Pervez Musharraf. When this correspondent had a brief chat on the occasion of induction of prime minister in Islamabad earlier last month, the governor appeared rather indifferent to most people from Balochistan who were present at the president’s house for the ceremony.

By and large, he remained inaccessible during his entire tenure, avoiding the elite — from feudals to tribal elders and chieftains — refusing to grant them formal interviews. Perhaps, he had retained the tradition of a high court judge to keep himself away from social relations.

He was cool when meeting people, and avoided interaction with them for getting credible and first-hand information. This caused a great damage to his relations with the people, in general, and newsmen, in particular. He preferred to address gatherings and functions and then would slip away without responding to the good wishes of the people around.

Although the governor enjoyed sweeping powers, he would not use these to the advantage of the people. Thus the people from remote areas suffered most as the governor remained inaccessible to them or their elders. In other words, the people in general were left at the mercy of the petty functionaries of the local administration. They got no relief during the past three years.

Thus some of the VIPs ignored by the governor assumed very high positions in the October election, causing a serious embarrassment to him. An official picture released by the DPR and PID clearly depicts the situation in which the prime minister is talking to Jam Yusuf while the governor appears to a non-entity or an intruder.

After assuming power at the fag-end of 1999, he started an operation clean-up in the provincial administration, acting against those officials whom he did not like. Most of them lost their jobs, others were retired prematurely and a number of them jailed on various charges of corruption and misuse of powers. This followed the induction in the provincial administration of officials specially called from other three provinces.

On the other hand, some of the senior officials from Sindh and Punjab thought they were punished by being posted in the backward province or by being forced to work in remote areas. This virtually paralysed the administration. Officials from other provinces were least interested in their duties. They would make all efforts to go back to Lahore, Karachi or Islamabad instead of serving in the far-off areas of Balochistan. Again, the people suffered most. Their problems remained unattended and unaddressed.

The civil secretariat wore a deserted look. The people stopped visiting it as most of the officials were not present or were on leave. Some of the officers were arrogant and would put off those visiting their offices.

Whatever improvement was witnessed in the provincial administration was during the early days of the military takeover. It was the army monitoring teams (AMTs) that had helped to unearth thousands of ghost employees in the various departments, thereby saving Rs2 billion paid as annual salaries to those ghost employees. Or the AMTs detected the cases of corruption.

In the process unleashed by the provincial chief executive, at least two former chief ministers were harassed, many other ministers were arrested, a few of them convicted (two of them released on parole) and some others had fled the country. Now all of them have staged a comeback and are holding important positions following the election. They all blame the mess on the one-man rule.

However, powers now stand transferred to the elected representatives. The chief minister draws his strength from the Provincial Assembly. Jam Yusuf got 47 votes and his opponent 12. He enjoys overwhelming majority in the House, facing no trouble in foreseeable future following an accord with the MMA. Surprisingly, the JWP also voted for the PML-Q nominee, ending its past posture, but the PPP abstained from voting.

The chief minister, or for that matter the prime minister, is under great pressure from their constituents to bring in a new governor to make up for the setbacks suffered in the past, as well as for rationalizing the working of the administration.

Euro-parliament’s naive reaction defeats the purpose

A RECENT resolution of European Parliament condemned “serious human rights violations” by the Bangladesh army in its countrywide Operation Clean Heart against violent crimes, and expressed concern over the “growing Islamic radicalization since the BNP- led four-party alliance came to power” in October last year.

The resolution, adopted on Nov 21 and “unofficially” handed over to the foreign affairs secretary in Dhaka on Nov 26, would hardly help mount pressure on the government of Begum Khaleda Zia to restrain itself from illegal use of army against the perceived criminals, and political hobnobbing with its coalition partner Jamaat-i-Islami, thanks to Euro-parliament’s unresearched, uninformed and subsequent naive observations on the political scenario in Bangladesh.

Euro-Parliament has rightly criticized the arbitrary arrests, detention, torture and extra-judicial killings in the ongoing army-led drive, specially when 28 people have already been victims of custodial and post-custodial deaths and more than 7,000 people have been detained — most of whom were rounded up without any warrant for arrest or specific allegations against them. This is a matter of concern for many of us in Dhaka.

But when the resolution “feared” that the army crackdown on criminal terror “is being used for politically partisan purposes,” Euro-parliament appeared totally ignorant of the ground reality, not to accuse the Euro-body of being biased for the opposition Awami League, which is engaged in cheap political propaganda home and abroad. In Bangladesh, it is a common knowledge that the vast majority of those apprehended during the operation belong to Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

Euro-Parliament’s observation in this regard is so naive that its resolution even prompted a central-level Awami League leader, Abul Hassan Chowdhury, who was the state minister for foreign affairs in the government of Sheikh Hasina, to comment the next day that resolution was “one- sided”.

Chowdhury, who is also the “special assistant” to AL president Sheikh Hasina, however, invited instant wrath of his senior leaders in the party as soon as his remarks were published in the Dhaka dailies on Nov 23. He was served with a show-cause notice and his membership on the party’s central committee was suspended on the ground that his public statement was “inconsistent with the party line”.

And here lies the problem. The text of Euro-parliament’s resolution is consistent with the AL’s “party line” that allows Sheikh Hasina to make false allegation that the “army drive is being used for politically partisan purposes”.

As for Euro parliament’s concern on what it said the “growing Islamic radicalization since the BNP-led four-party alliance came to power”, the Euro-body is biased once again. The mixture of religion with politics in Bangladesh, which is a serious concern for many right-thinking liberals, does not date back to the takeover of power by the BNP-Jamaat coalition in 2001.

Despite the AL propaganda, there is still no “growing Islamic radicalization” in Bangladesh, compared to that of radical Hindutva in India that produced the Gujarat episode a few months ago, or that of the radical Christianity in Bosnia- Herzegovina which saw religio-ethnic cleansing a few years ago.

The Euro-parliament also made a critical observation on the post- election repression of the religious minority communities, specially the Hindu community, blamed indirectly those who won the polls for the repression. The spirit of the resolution upholding the equal citizens’ rights of the minority communities is definitely consistent with democratic principles, and the right-thinking sections of the people welcomed the spirit.

But the point missing in the resolution in this regard is that the Hindus were subject to repression, in some places, not only by those who won the election but also by those who lost it. And it was more so this time around. Because the Hindu community, which traditionally vote for the AL, was divided, as patterns of voting in the Hindu-dominated areas showed, during the last general election. This shift of traditional loyalty of a section of the Hindus, specially the younger generation, enraged many AL candidates who “punished” them in some areas.

Before giving in to the AL’s politically-motivated propaganda relating to the oppression of the religious minorities under the present regime, Euro-parliament should have been aware of the ground realities.

Moreover, an international body like Euro-parliament needs to understand that one’s ability to oppress / exploit the minority, religious or ethnic, is directly related to the political strength, real or perceived, one has behind oneself.

An academically sound research on the “Causes and Consequences of Deprivation of Hindu Minorities in Bangladesh through the Vested Property Act”, published in July 2000, reveals that the highest number of people who grabbed the property of the Hindus in Bangladesh belonged to the Muslim League when it was in power in the Pakistan era.

But as soon as the country was independent in 1971, the lion’s share of the property of the Hindu community went to those belonging to the Awami League, the erstwhile ruling party. Then came to power the BNP, the Jatiya Party and again the Awami League.

The study shows that the political identity of the grabbers of the property changed accordingly. So, it is not a question of the Hindus being oppressed under this or that regime, it is rather much bigger a problem, the answer of which lies with the democratization of the mindset of a section of the ruling elite and leadership of the mainstream political parties like the AL, the BNP and the Jamaat enjoying state power. The left-wingers, who are secular in their approach towards minority rights issues, have these days become insignificant political forces in Bangladesh.

The members of the elite and political bigwigs concerned, on the other hand, are very unlikely to be influenced by Euro- parliament’s resolution as regards repression of the minorities. They, like many others, rather believe that the Euro body hardly has any moral right to preach secular ideals these days, thanks to the communal or racist outlook of the Western (European and American) establishments of the day.

The still influential former president of France, Valery Giscard d’Estaing, does not hide his religio-cultural bias. Opposing Turkey’s legitimate aspirations for being included in the European Union, D’Estaing reportedly told Le Monde on Nov 8: “Turkey has no place in European Union, because it has a different culture, a different way of life, and admitting Turkey would be the end of European Union.”

Addressing a press conference in Brussels on Nov 12, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, who is one of those responsible for severe human rights violations in Chechnya for years now, warned the non-Muslim Europeans that the Chechen Muslims “talk about setting a worldwide caliphate — and if you are a Christian, you are in danger”.

The double standard practised by the United States is known to all: it keeps mum on Israel’s weapons of mass destruction and violation of UN resolution, while mounting tremendous pressure on Iraq on such issues.

Such an international circumstance, Euro-parliament should realize, provokes the Muslims of the Muslim-dominated countries to get united on their religious identity, which would eventually benefit those believing in mixing religion with politics. And Bangladesh is no exception. Can they be blamed if the Muslims across the world react to the US’s and the EU’s pronounced attitude towards Islam and Islamic countries?

For common Bangladeshi Muslims, they have an additional “reason” to be inclined to Islamic politics, as there has already been a revival of political Hindutva in neighbouring India, which is now run by the Hindu nationalist BJP. This is only natural that the Indian political Hindutva, coupled with the US’s and the EU’s negative attitude towards the Muslims, want Islamic forces in Bangladesh, whatever little their influence might be at the moment, to go to power.

But still Bangladesh is far from being ruled by the Islamic fundamentalists as such. Many believe in Dhaka that it would hardly be a possibility in the near future, if Euro-Parliament gets concerned about the US’s and the EU’s attitude towards the Muslim countries and take effective measures to restrain their leaders from spitting venom to the Muslims.

If the Euro body cannot do that, it should, at least, meet the high standard of European professionalism, in passing a remark or adopting a resolution on a small country like Bangladesh, which is still vulnerable, in many ways, to international public opinion.

The failures would, however, make the international body look further amateurish, failing the liberal democrats of the Third World countries utilize even its credible resolutions against undemocratic political establishments concerned.

Turbans galore at Governor’s House

Never before was there an oath-taking of this magnitude in the NWFP. The sprawling green lawn of the Governor’s House was teeming with hundreds of people. Turbans and the trademark Jamaat-i-Islami white caps were in abundance. In fact, the gathering resembled more a public meeting of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal than the swearing-in ceremony of its chief minister-designate Akram Khan Durrani.

It was a strange sight. Qazi Hussain Ahmad was sitting in the front row with other JI leaders. In the distance, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, draped in his brown robe, was seen alighting from the stairs of the lawn, like a breeze. Even the most optimistic among them would not have dreamt of seeing this day. Cynics say that everything is possible in cartoons and Pakistan but even the most pessimists would vouch they had not imagined the clerics forming a government one day.

Much to the chagrin of President Gen Pervez Musharraf, things are changing rapidly. Lady luck is on the side of the MMA. Like it or not, after the dramatic exit of the MQM, the six-party religious alliance is back into the game.

So far the MMA has played its cards well. In Islamabad, the MMA leaders bargained hard, putting tough conditions to the powers that be, although behind the charade of this tough-talking, they were willing to bargain, ready to give up most of their demands, only if allowed to form a government at the centre.

Consider the statements of Qazi Hussain Ahmad and Maulana Fazlur Rehman after their two-hour long parleys with Prime Minister Mir Zafarullah Jamali in Peshawar on Saturday. Did they talk about the presence of American bases or the hunt for Al Qaeda and Taliban in Pakistan? No. Forget about what the MMA did or did not say about the American presence in Pakistan. Ask any MMA MP, even Chief Minister Akram Durrani, and they would start beating about the bush. Not President George W Bush.

Even, Maulana Tajul Amin Jabal, the MMA MP from Mardan, who fought alongside the Taliban, collected blood donation and charity for them, is lost for words when asked about the American forces in Pakistan. “They are our guests; they may stay here for as long as they wish to. I only ask them not to suspect every bearded person for an Al Qaeda or Taliban link.”

As for the constitutional matters, the least said the better. There are glaring contradictions. They took their oath under a constitution amended by President Musharraf in his sole discretion. Their women MPs elected on reserved seats took their oath under the same constitution. The leader of the house was ascertained through a Presidential Order rather than the relevant article of the constitution.

And as far as the scrapping of the National Security Council is concerned, President Musharraf has ceased his powers to amend the constitution. Any change in the constitution henceforth will have to be brought about through a two-third majority of parliament. But having said this, Prime Minister Jamali and his principal backer, Gen Pervez Musharraf, seem to have fewer choices. Out of the power game at the centre, the MMA has little to lose. Jamali’s government is shaky. Willy-nilly, Musharraf will have to make concessions to rope in the MMA and save the system he tailored for this country.

And one of the bargains may be the changing of weekly holiday from Sunday to Friday. If Jamali’s statement is anything to go by, it is only a matter of days when the country will revert back to observing Friday as the weekly holiday. Lest this should cause surprise, a cursory look back at Gen Musharraf’s three-year rule give plenty an evidence of one-step-forward and two-steps-back policy being pursued.

As for the MMA, it has nothing else to offer to their voters anyway. Indeed, its leadership will take pride in the fact that they reverted the weekly holiday from Sunday to Friday, but is this all? Does their programme of Islamisation end here? Chief Minister Akram Durrani has proved he knows how to play gimmicks — banning alcohol and gambling, the two vices already banned in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and putting a ban on playing of audio and video cassettes in commercial transport, something already prohibited under the Motor Vehicle Registration Ordinance, 1969. If this is not plain gimmick, what is it?

We have no reason to doubt Durrani’s sincerity in enforcing Islamic laws in the NWFP only if he could tell us if liquor and gambling were not already prohibited under the law.

Imagine two thousand vehicles coming to a stop in Peshawar city to allow passengers to offer their prayers five times a day. Lest we forget, the late Gen Ziaul Haq had attempted to do the same thing. Was it not he who had established the Nizam-i-Salat and special prayer break in government offices. Do we have to ‘enforce’ everything. Is Islam only about prohibition? What about social justice and the rights of the people.

The Taliban had done the same thing: ‘enforcing’ everything and making themselves the laughing stock of the world. Are we going to end the same way.

The chief minister better think of something else instead of resorting to cosmetic measures. His policy speech to the assembly upon his election as the Leader of the House lacked clarity, purpose and vision. He was the chief minister-designate for over a month and he has remained a member of the assembly twice in the past. One expected him to do better.

How long can the MMA choose to ignore the real problems of the people and indulge in cosmetics? Sooner or later they will have to get down to the nitty-gritty of it and start thinking of generating jobs to overcome growing unemployment and address other pressing problems. The beginning of the government did not inspire much hope and it is to be seen how it fares in the months ahead.