It was becoming evident that Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) General Ziaul Haq was not ready to part with power and transfer it to elected representatives of the people. The PPP sensed it, so too did the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). They were spot on.
In the evening of Oct 15, soon after a closed-door PPP meeting convened by Benazir Bhutto in Karachi had wrapped up for the day, the General addressed the nation.
Narrating the background of events after the hanging of Bhutto, he spoke about a number of rumours and speculations being circulated ever since the last time he had addressed the nation. But that was only the premise; Gen Zia then announced that elections scheduled for Nov 17 had been postponed indefinitely. All political parties had been banned, their accounts seized and their activities proscribed.
“I and my colleagues have resisted the opinion of abrogation of the Constitution. However, some amendments [to the Constitution] would be carried out so that the situation can be improved,” argued Gen Zia. “Strikes and lockouts have been banned. Education institutions would be purged of politics. Tribunals and military courts are being formed and the cases in those courts could not be challenged in higher courts.”
Newspapers not run by the government were to be closed down while those under the government were to put under press censorship.
This time, Gen Zia appeared smarter when he announced that implementation of an “Islamic order” would be expedited, prices of essential commodities would be kept at affordable levels and social evils such as corruption and banditry would be curbed strictly (although he did not specify how he’d achieve those aims).
Unlike the past, the swiftness with which the administrative branches of bureaucracy acted after the speech left no doubt that Zia’s plan had been finalised quite some time ago.
Unlike the past, the swiftness with which the administrative branches of bureaucracy acted after the speech left no doubt that Zia’s plan had been finalised quite some time ago.
Police immediately began raiding political parties’ offices, locked and sealed them. Eminent political leaders including Benazir Bhutto, Nusrat Bhutto, Asghar Khan, Farooq Leghari, Tikka Khan, Abdul Hamid Jatoi, Dr Mubashir Hassan, Begum Ashraf Abbasi, and Aftab Ahmad Sherpao were all arrested.
All provincial governments were asked to enforce press censorship and all information departments were asked to open press censorship cells, strictly asking newspapers to abide by the orders which would be enforced from time to time. Two Urdu newspapers, Musawat and Sadaqat, were banned while the rest were asked to get the editorial contents censored before publication.
Since there was no reaction to his move, Gen Zia began feeling that there would be no opposition to him irrespective of what he does. But he would sometimes be counselled by his colleagues that he was not authorised to rule the country without being elected or legitimised by society. This made him think about getting public approval; although he had many options before him, Pakistan later witnessed how he secured legitimacy through a botched referendum.
But on Oct 15, legitimacy was the least of the General’s concerns. He directed the deputy commissioners to provide the Martial Law Headquarters with names of those persons who could be elevated to national bodies and forums and provide these institutions with a civilian facade.
Since there was no elected government, district officials found this request doable. In a few days, the lists were drawn up and sent to CMLA headquarters. Those on these lists were then vetted by the secret agencies. While those with political affiliation were not recommended, some from political families were slipped into the lists. They were to form a Majlis-i-Shoora or consultative body, in an immature attempt to replace the elected parliament.
During these days, a proposal by the Martial Law Administrators was presented at a conference, saying that a military council be formed as a crisis management body to deal with any future political stalemate.
This council was to comprise the prime minister, leader of the opposition, the four chief ministers and the heads of armed services. It was suggested that the judicial system be changed with the laws of Sharia. Such options, when floated, gave birth to a number of controversies, which ended up in harsh debates.
Meanwhile, Gen Zia had already begun the process of Islamisation, and was discussing various aspects of the process with different authorities. This was a difficult process, and would take time to implement if it was to be enforced in its entirety. One of his associates advised him to complete their task of holding elections and leave such issues for the future government to resolve. Apparently Gen Zia did not like the suggestion and declined to act on it.
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, April 12th, 2015
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