Disempowering the presidency

IN theory, the democratic project in Pakistan will be successful when the rules of the system are determined without regard to particular individuals who may occupy a particular office at a particular moment in time. In reality, to be successful the democratic project must necessarily be steered by politicians, who will often be tempted to place personal and party interests above the wider, public interest. This fact may yet again become apparent in the weeks ahead when parliament elects a new president. The PPP Central Executive Committee has unanimously proposed the party’s co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, as its candidate for president, albeit leaving it up to Mr Zardari to nominate someone else of his choosing. What the party has not clarified is whether it will continue to demand that the presidency be stripped of its enormous powers, which include, inter alia, the power to directly dissolve parliament; indirectly dissolve provincial assemblies; appoint service chiefs; and appoint chief justices of the Supreme Court and the high courts.

As long as Gen (retd) Musharraf held these powers, the PPP opposed them — and rightly so. Now that the PPP’s own chief or his handpicked nominee looks set to assume these powers, the party’s opposition to the president’s powers must not become muted. The presidential powers to interfere in the political process and select individuals for key constitutional posts is not compatible with a parliamentary system of democracy, which all political players accept is the only workable solution for Pakistan’s polity. It would be wrong were the PPP to argue that such powers will not be abused by a PPP president because the party is a custodian of democracy and, more practically, its co-chairman or his handpicked nominee will not undermine a situation in which the PPP is on the treasury benches in Islamabad and the four provinces.

Most worryingly, under an unamended constitution, President Zardari — or whoever he selects for the position — will have the power to approve a decision by Punjab Governor Salman Taseer to dissolve the Punjab Assembly or to declare an emergency and impose governor’s rule in the province. A future PPP president, if that is what the country is to have, may of course not resort to any such tactic. However, the mere constitutional existence of such a possibility will have grave effects on political stability, the very reason the PPP, the PML-N and other democratic forces have long opposed such powers of the president. The success or failure of the transition to democracy will be affected by the precedents the politicians set. If the next president is to be from the PPP, the party will set a unique, positive precedent by stripping its own president of powers the party has long opposed.

Yet another honour killing?

ACCORDING to reports doing the rounds but which have yet to be confirmed formally by the police, some women — three by one account and two by another — were buried alive in Balochistan in a case of honour killing. Surprisingly, the shocking incident escaped the notice of the media. It is the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) which has come up with the report about the murder of the women in a remote area of the province. Some political personalities are being accused of being involved although they have denied the charges saying their rivals are trying to malign them. Although there is speculation and confusion about the incident, what has not been denied is that a heinous crime was committed in the name of honour. In outright disregard for women’s rights, tribal elders reportedly refused to give the unfortunate women permission to marry men of their choice. They were about to leave for a civil court to have their marriage solemnised when the alleged perpetrator abducted them at gunpoint. They were taken to a deserted area, fired at and then thrown into a ditch while they were still alive. Given the stigma attached to women who marry outside their community and the fact that there are still men who cling to obscurantist notions of honour, a case of murder has not been filed by the victims’ relatives.

This is another horrific example of violence against women and honour killing which are dystopian social evils. In our patriarchal society, revolting anti-woman traditions continue to hold sway. The fact is that many men have no qualms about suppressing women and resorting to violence to establish their control over them. It is this social order that allows hundreds of women in all parts of the country, year after year, to be killed in the name of honour — and that must go. What is worse is that the perpetrators go unpunished because the state fails to intervene on behalf of the victim. In many incidents in the past that received much publicity, people with political clout and influence were found to be involved. One hopes this is not the case this time too. But what is most distressing is that all campaigns launched from time to time to create awareness among people about the criminality and immorality of killing for honour have still not touched large segments of the population.

Public transport

FOR years we have ignored, reviewed or shelved many projects to improve public transportation services in our cities. Since the cessation of the only bus-based public transport service in the Islamabad-Rawalpindi area in early 2005, several attempts to launch another bus service have failed to take off. This is despite improvements in the road infrastructure and traffic control systems, including the recent installation of new bus stop sheds. The lack of cooperation and coordination among the various government departments and agencies responsible for transport in the twin cities is believed to be largely responsible for this failure. As a result the existing poorly managed and inadequate system of wagons and vans is the only mode of public transportation commuters can turn to. The need for investment in better public transportation is being felt now more so than ever before because of ever-rising oil and gas prices as well as declining global oil reserves. Besides, a good public transportation system has long been recognised as the solution to traffic congestion and pollution because it reduces the compulsion for citizens to use their own private vehicles. Moreover, it also provides mobility to segments of society like women, senior citizens and those in the economically disadvantaged groups who do not have access to private vehicles.

Hopefully, the latest attempt to introduce a bus service in the twin cities, as reported last week, will meet with better luck. This new bus system is supposed to be one of the components of an ambitious mass transit system project that is expected to include mono-trains and an underground railway. In this day and age, however, any new bus transit should possess features that not only make the journey comfortable but boarding and transfers easy also. For instance, any modern bus transit system is incomplete nowadays without the facility of instant fare payment, i.e. reusable prepaid fare cards and a variety of prepaid daily, monthly or yearly transit passes, the latter offering unlimited bus rides for tourists, students, senior citizens, etc. Bus schedules and map routes should also be readily available to the public. It is time we woke up from years of sleeping on the public transport file and delivered on the promised improvements.

OTHER VOICES - Indian Press

End of Musharraf era

The Hindu

PERVEZ Musharraf finally got his calculations right. The military dictator who ruled Pakistan for nine years, shed his uniform towards the end, insisted on remaining president after his power melted away in a democratic upsurge, and deservedly faced impeachment, could have hung on to office only if circumstances had turned in his favour in one of two ways. The first was mustering enough parliamentary support to deny the democratic combine led by the Pakistan People’s Party and the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) the two-thirds majority required for impeachment. With the King’s Party disintegrating rapidly, this option was not available. The second hypothetical scenario was of the retired general persuading his former comrades-in-arms to back a move to dismiss the elected government and dissolve parliament. The deafening silence from Rawalpindi ruled out any such madness. While his is a more honourable exit than is normal with dictators, the real credit for this inspiring denouement must go to the people of Pakistan, their political parties, news media and civil society institutions. There was plenty of discord within the ruling coalition on the way forward — but it held its ground thanks largely to the political resoluteness of Nawaz Sharif and the sobriety displayed by Asif Zardari.

The self-congratulatory tenor of President Musharraf’s farewell address can be interpreted as a soldierly attempt to save face. It is true that he made more worthwhile contributions to Pakistan’s overall policies than previous military dictators but his claims on all-round progress are highly questionable. As his political difficulties mounted, he became more and more despotic and unscrupulous — undermining state institutions, targeting the independent judiciary and manipulating elections. In the end, President Musharraf became the biggest obstacle to the advancement of the interests of the people of Pakistan. The ruling coalition could hardly focus on key issues of governance when it had to guard its rear against an undermining ex-dictator. Overall, the international community will regard the Musharraf era as a wasted opportunity. The man who advocated moderation and promised to recast his country as a progressive model for the Muslim world failed to deliver because he just would not completely abandon the religious extremists. For all that, New Delhi cannot overlook the contribution General Musharraf made towards stabilising and improving the relationship between India and Pakistan — learning perhaps from the Kargil misadventure. His most lasting contribution may well be the process of India-Pakistan détente, which needs to be taken forward resolutely. — (Aug 19)

The spoils of war

WHEN the Soviet army withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989 there was great jubilation in the streets of the country. What a victory! But it proved short-lived. The victory turned into a quarrel and the quarrel led to civil war.

Every group and faction was trying to get as much out of the spoils of war as possible. This self-centred and egocentric attitude added to the ruin of that nation and the Afghans have yet to recover from it.

We have also been facing two wars from within: one from the fanatical militants of the northwest who are now poised to take control of the whole country, the other from politicians. The second war, now over, did not involve any artillery but was waged through words and political moves. The guns were drawn and swords were crossed as soon as the two political exiles landed in this country. There was heavy personal interest on both sides. Finally one side decided to withdraw from the battle and the war was over.

Now we will see if we follow the same egocentric path that groups in our neighbouring country did or choose to show maturity and magnanimity. I fear the worst. When given the history of the two unelected representatives who are leading the country at this juncture, this fear develops into emotional anguish.

We are a nation of sore losers and arrogant winners. This should not become an obsessive and narcissistic mission to persecute a former head of state. If we do not act with extreme caution at this point in our history then there shall be no history left for us. If we turn this democratic departure into another battle, then we are all doomed.

It is true that media all over the world is biased. They are an institution running on the principles of business and their foremost goal is to achieve financial profit. The easiest way to do so is through resorting to sensationalism. But the media in Pakistan has to play a very important role now. It should highlight the misgivings and misadventures of the current government as vehemently as they have been doing against the ex-president.

We should not act as though we suffer from amnesia and should clearly remember that the present lot at the helm of affairs in the country consists of no other than the same old felons who amassed their riches abroad from looting just a decade ago.

Resilience can be described as the capacity to withstand and overcome adversity. Michael Rutter outlined four different protective mechanisms which help an individual overcome adversity. These include: reducing risk impact, reducing negative chain reaction, establishing and maintaining self-esteem and self-efficacy.

The state has to help the nation develop self-esteem by reducing the negativism which is always emanating from political circles. A sense of cohesion should not be restricted to electing representatives unopposed. It can also be used to establish systems to keep a check on the workings of their own people and future governments as well.

We need to join hands now and help build an egalitarian society. The fundamentals of any progressive nation are deeply ingrained in the distribution of justice at the grassroots level. This does not mean that we should revert to medieval practices. In fact, we should do completely the opposite.

The methods of investigation of a crime and the process of gathering evidence against a criminal should be of high standard and carried out with state of the art equipment. This must be done to ensure that while dispensing justice we do not become the tormenter and avoid miscarriages of justice.

I hope that the ‘coming soon’ of an independent judiciary lives up to expectations and starts the suo motu unravelling of the National Reconciliation Ordinance, the ‘qarz utaro mulk sanwaro’ and similar scandals. If the pillars of state fail the people this time, there will be no hope left and we shall continue to sink ever deeper in the abyss of corruption, inequality and moral degradation.

Economic, social and ethnic instability has led to the creation of a vast number of dissatisfied individuals. If their grievances are not addressed soon, the people will turn into mobs and mobs into groups, who will be fighting to impose their own version of justice. Such reactionary movements do not have a religious or belief system to guide them. Instead, they exploit the masses’ sense of insecurity. During the French Revolution, the revolutionaries killed anyone who had soft hands as they equated them with the ruling classes.

One cannot help but quote a whole segment from The Garden of the Prophet by Kahlil Gibran. This still holds true for our oxymoronic country:

“My friends and my road-fellows, pity the nation that is full of beliefs and empty of religion. Pity the nation that wears a cloth it does not weave, eats a bread it does not harvest, and drinks a wine that flows not from its own winepress. Pity the nation that acclaims the bully as hero, and that deems the glittering conqueror bountiful. Pity the nation that despises a passion in its dream, yet submits in its awakening. Pity the nation that raises not its voice save when it walks in a funeral, boasts not except when its neck is laid between the sword and the block. Pity the nation whose statesman is a fox, whose philosopher is a juggler, and whose art is the art of patching and mimicking. Pity the nation that welcomes its new ruler with trumpetings, and farewells him with hootings, only to welcome another with trumpetings again. Pity the nation whose sages are dumb with years and whose strong men are yet in the cradle. Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation.”

The writer is a psychiatrist in general adult and substance misuse psychiatry at the Sheffield Care NHS Trust, UK.

dryiabbasi@yahoo.com

Troops’ morale waning

As more and more British soldiers are killed and wounded, their commanders are becoming increasingly frustrated by the failure to make a breakthrough in Afghanistan.

Morale is being further undermined by the pressures on the defence budget. “They are fighting and dying, while at home they are talking about slashing and cutting,” said a well-placed defence source.

Defence officials privately concede that British military planners were hopelessly optimistic when they decided to deploy 3,000 troops in southern Afghanistan in 2006. There are now more than 8,000 there, and more are likely to be sent after cuts in the Basra base expected in the first half of next year.

Intelligence on the Taliban, their tactics and strength, was poor. British troops were deployed with inadequate equipment. Though armoured vehicles better able to withstand attacks from rocket-propelled grenades or roadside bombs were later ordered as an “urgent operational requirement” paid for by the Treasury, there are still not enough. The military and politicians alike complain about the slow-moving decision-making process in the Ministry of Defence (MoD) in London.

Commanders have also been complaining for years about the shortage of helicopters and aircrew. The MoD recently agreed to deploy British air-sea rescue crews and lease helicopters from private companies. “It is too little, too late,” said Colonel Christopher Langton, senior fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

Frustration at the perceived failure of other Nato countries to pull their weight prompted Des Browne, the UK defence secretary, recently to deliver a remarkably strong attack on the alliance’s failings. There was “far too big a mismatch between our aspirations and what we actually deliver,” he told an international security conference in Rome. He will host a meeting of Nato defence ministers in London next month, where Afghanistan will be high on the agenda.

In recent weeks, British soldiers have been killed by roadside bombs, a suicide bomber, and gunfire. The Taliban have not shifted their tactics so much as used the weapons at their disposal with more confidence and audacity, Langton suggested. “It seems the Taliban are prepared to carry out more frontal kinds of operations,” he said, referring to the recent attack on a jail in Kandahar and Tuesday’s ambush and suicide bomber attacks on French troops and a US base in Khost. What was worrying, he observed, is the intelligence the Taliban had gathered about foreign troop movements.

By the end of the summer, Langton added, it may be possible to see if the Taliban had established sufficient presence on the Afghan side of the mountains bordering Pakistan to enable them to mount attacks through the winter.

The frustration is reflected in this comment from a very senior British army source. “The past two years,” he said, “have achieved a stalemate.”

For years, British commanders have been emphasising that there is no military solution to the problem. Yet there is still no effective international civil aid and construction programme, despite billions of dollars of foreign aid delivered or promised, they point out.

— The Guardian, London