Musharraf’s exit strategy as army chief

FOR the first time perhaps, President Gen Pervez Musharraf is reported to have hinted at the possibility of shedding his uniform any time he chose. His statement, as appeared in a leading Urdu newspaper, went as follows: “To continue (my) reforms, I consider the uniform necessary. (However) I could ( or would?) take it off any time I like. But I shan’t do that. Neither could anyone force me to do that.”

Read with high-profile media projection of his visits as army chief (and supreme commander) to the various field formations, air and naval establishments ‘properly dressed’ in workaday khaki and his commando’s combat outfit (complete with boot anklets), the statement (unless misreported) acquires significance.

Knowing his love for the army and absolute dedication to and concern for its institutional health, Gen Musharraf would spare no effort, no sacrifice to preserve it at all events.

He has repeatedly stated that he is no Ayub, Yahya or Zia, and that he remains one of his own kind with a mind role and character of his own. During five years as army chief since Oct 7, 1998, (to date) chief executive (Oct 12 - May 2002> and president since his much-debated referendum legitimizing his presidency for the next five years, he has given ample proof of his sui generis status as the ruler of this country.

Nevertheless, his ‘full dress’ visits to army units, besides those of the navy and the air force, could be seen in two perspectives. First, to make up for the lack of personal contact with his men and officers due to his full time preoccupation with his heavy pre- and post-election schedule. And, second to do the textbook rounds, a service chief would normally do as the last thing he would, to thank them for their personal and professional loyalty to him and to the service.

Both in the command and staff streams, Musharraf holds an unblemished record as the sort of superior, respected without being feared by his men and officers. At the higher — divisional, corps level — echelons, he has perfected the collegial system first adopted by Gen Zia. The pre-Zia army used to be a command army in the sense that the chief along with his four Principal Staff Officers — the Chief of the General Staff, Adjutant General, Quartermaster General and Master General of Ordnance — would take a certain major decision (concerning ML etc.) and convey it to the formation (Division/Corps) commanders for action.

Others (Military Secretary - MS) would be consulted informally, when it became necessary. Gen Zia would go to the Corps Commander-level for consultation so as to give them a chance to have a say before taking his final decision. Gen Musharraf has perfected the collegial system and raised it to the status of a ‘military shura’.

Now, if and when, Gen Musharraf decides to shed his uniform, he would continue to stay as a powerful president as he today is under his Legal Framework Order.

The Jamali government has formally notified to have conceded to the constitutional amendments introduced by Gen Pervez Musharraf regarding powers of the president to dismiss the elected assemblies and appointments of services chief, according to a notification issued by the cabinet division.

In view of the serious geo-strategic threats mushrooming in the region, with Pakistan as a pivotal state, it is more than likely that Gen Musharraf settles for a strong presidency and leaves the army to a full-time chief of the army staff. His inescapable engagements with the tasks and problems ahead, at the highest level of the national strategy, would hardly leave him much time or strength to ride the two difficult civil and military horses at one and the same with equal ease.

The writer is a retired brigadier of the Pakistan Army

But, who’ll bell the cat, lordship

A FORMER judge of the Balochistan High Court, Justice Tariq Mahmood, kicked off a new controversy by demanding last week in Lahore that since the army had outstayed the civilians in power it should also be held accountable like other rulers.

Justice Tariq was a member of the Election Commission of Pakistan when he said that holding the presidential referendum was not an ECP responsibility. As the statement was published, he said, he was called by Gen Musharraf and told that either he should resign, or the government would issue a press statement which he would not be allowed to contradict, or he would be forcibly retired.

The judge said he preferred to step down.

Justice Tariq was not satisfied with the role played by the judiciary, saying that in democratic polities generals were not free to take decisions even about going or not going to war, but in Pakistan they were given power to amend the Constitution.

This scribe has never had the honour to meet the lordship nor is in a position to fathom how brave and courageous he is. But, apparently, his utterances are full of contradictions and the judge’s own conduct has not been in harmony with his words. He has also left many questions unanswered.

For example, the judge did not say, who can hold the army accountable and how? Who will ‘bell the cat’ is the real question.

Justice Tariq Mahmood remained judge even after the Supreme Court had given Gen Musharraf power to amend the Constitution within certain parameters. Had the apex court transgressed its jurisdiction by vesting the authority in the military ruler, he should have resigned as judge of the provincial high court as a mark of protest.

Not only he did not think on these lines, but unlike some of his colleagues he also clung to the office even when the PCO was promulgated.

Justice Tariq also saved his interests by offering his resignation, as told by Gen Musharraf. He did not enlighten his audience why he did not like to be ‘martyred’ through forced retirement. Perhaps, in that case he would have been deprived of some of the benefits he is enjoying now.

Many allege that the judiciary is responsible for most of the problems facing the society at present. Had the institution resisted the dictators and taken notice of violations of the Constitution, the situation would have been quite different from what it today is. Unfortunately, the judiciary strengthened dictators and fell prostrate when the institution was supposed to become a symbol of resistance.

Unless judges stop sacrificing principles at the altar of expediencies, violation of the Constitution will continue. The country needs some brave hearts in judiciary, not Tariq Mahmoods who can only come up with post-retirement sermons.

The Punjab cabinet took some important decisions last week. Sale of cigarettes to children below 18 years has been banned. Violation of the decision, which will be enacted into a law soon, will be punishable.

Decision on lowering the interest rate for agricultural loans is also commendable.

But, lifting of the ban on marriage foods has not been appreciated by anyone. This negative decision outweighs all the positive decisions taken since the establishment of the new Punjab government.

Chief Minister Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi says that he was opposed to lifting the ban, but the cabinet prevailed. If it is so, then, perhaps, the Punjab has been more democratized than was needed.

Being the chief minister of the country’s biggest province, Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi was expected to set healthy precedents for other provinces to follow. Had he really set his foot down, his ministers would not have dared oppose his opinion.

The ban on marriage foods had been helpful to millions of poor families. And it should have been retained when some one-third of the population lives below the poverty line. A society where suicides are being committed every day because the head of the family is not in a position to earn livelihood for his dependents, the ban already in existence should have been enforced more effectively. Taking the lid off the meals would darken the future of many girls of marriageable age.

Allowing up to 300 guests at a marriage, though on a single dish, will cost a lot. This is certainly going to raise the incidence of suicides among the poor.

The government should find out the number of applications lying with the relevant committees for Rs5,000 assistance for marriages. Those who need such meagre amounts in help for marriage of a daughter are certainly not in a position to entertain guests.

In the light of the negative reaction reported in the press, let’s hope that the cabinet reviews the decision at the earliest.

How our major political parties are being run can be assessed from a decision taken by the PML-N leadership in connection with a by-election on a Lahore seat scheduled for Sunday (today).

Punjab PML-N Information Secretary Zaeem Husain Qadri was nominated by the party for PP-147, on which PML-Q’s billionaire Abdul Aleem Khan and Jamaat-i-Islami’s Amirul Azeem are other candidates. All three worked day and night to reach the electorate and seek their support. The PPP, being a component of the ARD, supported the PML-N candidate.

But as the election drew closer, the Jamaat-i-Islami approached exiled Mian Nawaz Sharif to request that he should direct his party candidate to retire in favour of Jamaat’s. The provincial leaders of the PML-N opposed the idea.

However, the former prime minister got his decision implemented. Zaeem Qadri, who was not awarded ticket in the general election, is now out even from the by-election. Party workers and supporters are protesting but the exiled leader’s decision is irrevocable.

This is not the situation with the PML-N alone. The PPP is also being run in the same manner.

Benazir Bhutto has been in self-exile for almost five years now. Her party leaders are free to discuss the situation and give opinion on various issues. But final decisions are taken by Ms Bhutto. After every central organization meeting, a party delegation has to go to Dubai to seek instructions from the chairperson.

Some time back, a central party leader had said after a Central Executive Committee meeting in Lahore that the deliberations of the participants were no more than ‘proposals’ while Ms Bhutto’s opinion was like ‘order’ for the party.

Asked if the decisions are to be taken by Ms Bhutto, why the CEC is required to meet at all, he argued that the former prime minister had a broader vision and thus was more competent to take better decisions.

The same is the situation in the Muttahida Qaumi Movement. Discussions are held in Karachi, but decisions are made in London — by Altaf Husain.

Someone commented the other day that neither the country nor political parties are independent in their decisions. Everything is decided elsewhere, but implemented in Pakistan.

In praise of Wasim Akram

MIAN Nasir Mahmud is the friend of a vary dear friend of mine. He has recently written on Wasim Akram, one of the greatest left-arm pace bowlers the game of cricket has known. Since the Mian’s views largely coincide with mine, I want you to share them with me.

Mr Nasir Mahmud writes:

Heroes are not born overnight. In our country, they are either killed or not allowed to grow. If they do emerge, their success is torpedoed by intrigue or ignorance. The nation, lacking in self-esteem, cannot even imagine having the ability to produce heroes. Imran Khan once wrote that when he, as a young and aspiring fast bowler appealed against Viv Richards, the latter ridiculed him. Imran Khan decided there and then that one day he would prove to the world that Pakistan could produce genuine fast bowlers. Wasim Akram, the greatest fast bowler produced by this country, is another hero who has been subjected to misjudgment of the cricket elite, the press and his own colleagues in the game.

He is the world’s highest wicket taker in one day matches and among the top six in Test cricket. Wasim Akram is a match winning bowler. His ability has mostly been misjudged in the event of his failures. Success and failures are inevitable when two teams are playing. Unfortunately, whenever the Pakistani team has faced defeat, Wasim as our captain, has had to face insult and dishonour. At times the humiliation has been beyond endurance. I recall that after a defeat in a Sharjah match, Majid Khan issued a press statement that he would lodge an FIR against Wasim Akram for fixing that match. The FIR was never lodged but the same Majid Khan congratulated Wasim Akram on his outstanding success in the Sahara tournament in Canada later on. Did Majid realize what damage his statement at Sharjah had done to Wasim Akram?

In the 1999 World Cup, Wasim Akram had a weaker team to lead than Imran’s side which reached the semi-final in 1992 just because of an upset caused by the West Indians. Pakistan’s success in the last two matches of the 1992 Cup was, however, attributed to Wasim Akram by Imran Khan. When Wasim led Pakistan in the final in 1999, his achievement was greater than Imran Khan’s victory in 1992. Yet when we lost in the final, the responsibility was thrown at Wasim Akram’s door because his image had already been tarnished by those suffering from a guilt complex.

Ironically, Wasim Akram’s position was vindicated in 2001 when Pakistan repeated the 1999 World Cup final in a three-nation Tournament in England, this time under the leadership of Waqar Younas. Nobody asked him why did he decide to bat first after winning the toss. Perhaps people have become wiser. They know cricket is a game of chance. But we did humiliate Wasim Akram for his World Cup performance in England in 1999.

Wasim Akram, a diabetic for years, has not allowed his ailment to affect his performance. He has the ability and the potential to become a match winning bowler still and has the mannerism of an all-time great. He has been absolved of match-fixing charges by a special judicial commission twice. Yet he is still being humiliated.

It would be in the fitness of things if the organizers of the game in Pakistan were to offer Wasim Akram the captaincy plus an apology because nothing has been proved against him. Furthermore, Waqar Younas may be reprimanded for his behaviour towards his former captain. Waqar must know that he will get the same treatment from his younger players soon when his own selection is in doubt. If he expects respect, he should give Wasim Akram the respect that is his due.

Our people have somehow become indifferent towards many instances of injustice in the past. It seems likely that they will also let this example of injustice pass. If we do so, our heroes might forgive us but history shall not.

This is what Mian Nasir Mahmud thinks and this is what I think. However, now that the Pakistani squad for the World Cup has been named, it is perhaps too late to reopen the issue of captaincy. Let us accept Waqar Younas as the captain and let the side do its best to the maximum of its limited ability.

Pakistan have a very strong pool. They will have to contend with Australia, England and India in that order, followed by Namibia, Holland and Zimbabwe.

Our toughest match will be against Australia on February 11 and on March 1, we will be pitched against arch rivals India. That will be the day. Our Cup find for all practical purposes. The same, I suppose, will be the case in India. It is on occasions like these that I tend to hate sporting events between India and Pakistan. Why do we hate each other so much?

It wasn’t always like this. On the contrary, when India first visited Pakistan in 1954, its cricketers won an incredible amount of goodwill for themselves, especially here in Lahore. The wounds the Muslims and Hindus and Sikhs had inflicted on each other nearly healed and everyone forgot 1947. Can’t these days return?

W H Auden, the poet also wrote prose. In his book, Forewords and Afterwards, he writes on the Erotic Hero:

About three quarters of modern literature is concerned with one subject, the love between a man and a woman, and assumes that falling in love is the most important and valuable experience that can happen to human beings. We are so conditioned to this attitude that we are inclined to forget that it does not go back beyond the twelfth century. It does not exist, for instance Greek literature. There we find two attitudes. There are plenty of lyrics of the serenade type — the “In delay there lies no plenty, then come kiss me sweet-and-twenty” kind of thing. Expressing a simple, good tempered, and unserious sensuality. There are also, as the poems of Sappho or the story of Jason and Medea, descriptions of serious and violent sexual passion, but this is not regarded as something to be proud of but as a disaster, the work of merciless Aphrodite, a dreadful madness which makes one lose one’s dignity and betray one’s friends and from which any sane man or women will pray to be spared. Our romantic conception that sexual love can transform the lover’s character and turn him into a hero, was unknown.

Gunning for peace?

Thousands of people thronged Karachi’s seaside Sunday, the 19th, to be part of the Sea Karnival organized by Karavan Karachi. The weather was glorious and children and parents seemed to be in a festive mood.

A major attraction was the display of a huge mural painted by schoolchildren and strung along the Seaview wall. There were stalls selling all kinds of items and services, with the accent being on Sindhi handicrafts. Smartly turned out children from schools across the city marched past the cheering crowds to the rousing beat of martial music. Huge colourful floats representing Sindh’s districts and Karachi’s towns were another attraction. The float representing Lyari was the most joyous, bouncing with infectious musical energy. The peacock dancer from Mirpurkhas and the snake charmers from Thar also won lots of cheers. The onset of evening was greeted with an impressive fireworks display, which had children ooh-ing and aah-ing in delight.

There was, however, one disturbing aspect to the entire affair. At times it seemed as if there were more policemen at the venue than ordinary citizens. This was perhaps because of the top-heavy nature of the occasion, where the governor and chief minister were both present on the stage along with a bevy of other VIPs. The presence of these bigwigs meant long delays, longer speeches and blanket security.

The proceedings, in fact, seemed to be dominated by the police. The high point of the evening was a daredevil show by the Madadgar 15 force, which staged a mock attack on a building. The police commandos scaled the high walls, rescued the hostages and consigned the dacoits to oblivion in a hail of bullets and cheers. There was also a show by armed cops on motorcycles, displaying their shooting abilities. The arms used by the police were also on display at a stall near the entrance. While the cops were impressive, one irate parent summed up the feelings of many. It is disturbing, he said, to see such an emphasis on guns and violence in a show meant for children and aimed at promoting peace and harmony in the city!

Traffic bottlenecks and trouble spots are nothing new to the city. But one particular place that catches a lot of attention in this regard is the intersection of Tibet Centre and Rimpa Plaza on M A Jinnah Road, otherwise known as Plaza.

You might have noticed the bevy of car dealerships and automobile spare parts dealers on either side of M A Jinnah Road. Nothing strange about that. You might have even seen the small army of chotas or henchmen of these very shops that swarm out across the busy thoroughfare in search of potential prey, er, customers, dangerously weaving between vehicles. Even that is somewhat normal in the beautiful anarchy we call Karachi. But the most ironic sideshow in this whole comedy of urban errors is that a disturbingly high number of the vehicles that patronize these spare parts dealers and vehicle retro-fitters, and which are often double parked snarling up traffic quite a bit, either belong to the army, rangers, police or some other official outfit.

One admits that ordinary citizens are powerless to raise their voice against the powers that be. The latter, however, are of a privileged stock. The rules that apply to us mere mortals mean nothing to them. Still, one cannot help but be perturbed because this blatant disrespect for the law affects many of us directly.

The traffic on M A Jinnah Road is horrid to begin with. When such a vital sector as Plaza is jammed up by these guardians of the law, it spells instant death for anyone trying to get to work or school on time. They are not the only one’s blocking the road. There are many others of a more non-commissioned, civilian ilk, but the fact that the custodians of the law choose to make a mockery of it is the most irksome detail of the whole affair.

They block traffic, their heads way up in the clouds, oblivious of the suffering they are causing, while they get their windows tinted or their rims touched up. But an interesting thing was noticed recently when an officer of the traffic police moved in and let one of the workers who was retro-fitting a vehicle with what looked like an official number plate have it.

“I don’t care if it’s an army-wallah’s car. I want you to move that vehicle. Don’t you see you’re blocking the entire lane!”

If only more of our men in uniform took their job more seriously and didn’t hesitate in enforcing their duties judiciously and expediently. There is still hope.

If you don’t know what it is to be driven mad then all you have to do is to enroll and the University of Karachi, complete your studies and wait to be given your degree.

A KU graduate who had to undergo this very tedious process wrote to the Notebook saying: “The procedure has been so meticulously designed that getting the degree might be the toughest part of a university education. One has to stand in a long line at the busy degree section near the university’s Silver Jubilee gate. I went there and after a long wait was told by a university official that my documents had to be attested. When I got that done, I was told by him that the seal of the department was not on them. This meant leaving my place in the line yet again, and a further agonizing wait. It also meant going back to my department which was far away, getting the papers stamped and then returning, only to stand, again, at the back of the line.

“One student who had submitted his documents came to his other friend, still in line and said ‘Shukar hai yaar university say jan chooti’ while another could be heard saying ‘Degree nikalwana tau azab hai’. At the other end of the counter, there was only one man. His job was made more difficult by the fact that there were separate lines for boys and girls and he had to keep going back and forth. The same ‘one-man show’ could be seen at the fee collection counter, the next place one has to go to after the document verification stage. The ordeal, though, did not end here. The man there asked students to again go to the verification counter so that some other formality could be completed. It was only after this stage that I got a receipt giving me a date telling me when to expect the degree to be ready.”

It seems that the University of Karachi is one of those institutions that does not want to let go of its graduates that easily, albeit for the wrong reasons.

A non-governmental organization active in civic issues recently sent in an email to the Notebook on the issue of traffic management in the city. Parts of it might be interest to readers.

It wrote: “Karachi has over 18,000 minibuses. In some cases, four vehicles are driven under one registration number and fitness certificate. Then, because of a lack of proper planning and space all their maintenance and repair are carried out on the roadside. As a result, roads and pavements are encroached upon and pedestrians can’t use them. Commercial drivers are employed on a commission basis and paid in proportion to the number of passengers they pick per trip. This obviously explains, to some extent at least, the mad rush between vehicles in picking up passengers, and why buses stop anywhere on the road.

“The minibus owners, however, have a different take on it. They say the drivers are to blame. They claim that each minibus owner on average pays around Rs 3,000 per month as bhatta to various government agencies. This is why, they say, workshops are allowed to operate on the roadside and also why drivers get away with breaking practically every traffic law conceivable. This, then, means that every month minibus owners pay Rs 54 million in bhatta, a huge amount.

“Concerned citizens have repeatedly drawn the attention of the traffic police to enforce the rules but nothing is ever done. For example, take the case of the movement of heavy goods vehicles. Official directives are in place to restrict their movement within city limits during the day but these are flouted, and in full view of the traffic police. At the very least, this standing order should be enforced because that could significantly cut down traffic load on key city arteries, and reduce the huge jams that commuters have to endure every evening.— By Karachian

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