Knowing if there’s anything to say

It is important for writers to know if they have anything to say. It solves many problems. It saves them from unloading their philosophies on the hapless readers. It saves them from a lot of unnecessary toil. The writer for instance could decide not to write, if at evening’s end he concluded he had nothing in the dark catacombs of his mind to tell his readers. This brave decision to come to terms with reality would of course be hard to arrive at but not harder than having to write without having anything to say.

Newspaper columnists know this from daily experience. But they are fortunate than the more serious of their tribe in the sense they expect no lasting compensation than having their contribution seen printed in the assigned corner of the biodegradable page. No journalist of worth would have greater aspirations. His is probably the only occupation that accepts the rubbishing of its toils as part of its recompense and having a good night’s sleep without a care for oblivion. But most people engaged in the creative use of ink do not have this nadir of modesty. The least poets and novelists expect is fame here and now and immortality thereafter. This is an unlikely prospect unless some great unsaid truth, revelation, idea or discovery was awaited to be made public for the first time. Though this too is heavily conditioned on several extraneous factors. Your status, for instance. People have been seen laughing the last breath of their dear life over stale jokes clumsily repeated by ministers. The power of the pen cannot have been mightier than when the late Azhar Sohail wielded it in his hey days. He made the state pay in thousands for every ‘i’ that he dotted and every ‘t’ that he crossed. Not that what he said was in any way profound or prophetic but people were afraid of what he might say. Such awe and reverence for the unsaid only a few can hope to command.

This train of thought was set off by a remark by Dr Mohammad Ali Siddiqui, renowned Urdu critic and master, in his own right, of understatement, that he has made in his foreword to Hamra Khalique’s translation of selected short fiction titled Mashriq-o-maghrib ke afsanay. Says he: “our literature stands in such great need of good translators that if a considerable number of authors could turn to pay attention to translations, it would be more beneficial than (their) second and third rate writings.”

Regular readers of fiction, a tribe thinning out and on the wane by each passing year, would know the significance of this observation if they have also been reading novels and short stories of our Urdu and regional writers that I am having to do for a selection I am finding myself in great difficulty making. The difficulty arises from several common factors in the writings of the post-Partition authors I am required to select from. Poor language, weak expression, shabby dialogue, shallow characterization, irrelevant padding, could all be taken in the stride if there were a story to be followed to its end. But what you encounter in place of the story you sat down to read is the author’s heavy philosophy, his intellectual comment, his moral judgment, his constant intrusion in the course of events, his utterly atrocious presumption to educate the reader. To top it all he tells you the compelling reasons why and what made him a writer of stories. In one case it was the author’s mother whose first kiss on his infant cheek blessed him with this gift. The tales that I could manage to read bore no signs of this maternal post-natal bestowal.

Reading Hamra Khalique’s tasteful selection of stories from writers like Maupassant, Dhom Kito, Huma Charia, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Mary Stuart, and a few notable others among them Farida Hussain, I found a remarkable similarity between Marquez’s I only came to make a phone call and Ghulam Abbas’ Kanras. Narrated simply, matter of factly, Marquez’s story tells about a woman who is looking for a telephone to call her husband to tell him her car had broken down on the road and she would therefore be home late. But looking for a telephone on the way she lands in a mental asylum from where she is unable to come out for the rest of her days. It is a profound story about how people get trapped in unexpected situations and remain there forever. Marquez does not say that at all, he does not explain, he does not pontify and draws no conclusion from this happening. He does not say, look there’s a symbolic story. Similarly Ghulam Abbas. A music lover’s passion lands him and his family in a brothel house. There it is. You draw your own conclusion. The author says nothing. He has told you a story. His job is finished. Kanras is better than Garcia’s because it is built on character. Try, write something like this.

My humble submission to some of our talented writers of fiction would be to get rid of their philosophical baggage in a separate article or book so that those keen to be taught do not have to scrounge and rummage through their stories for their moral or intellectual edification.

Testing the tolerance limits of Pakistanis

UTILITY prices have risen so many times over the past year that consumers have simply lost count of them. The frequency with which price hikes in electricity, gas and petrol has occurred can only be viewed as testing the limits of tolerance of the Pakistanis.

Within the first two weeks of August alone, the Pakistanis were slapped with a further three price hikes. It began with yet another round of petrol price increase on Aug 1. This was followed by a 27-paisa per unit increase in the power rate for domestic consumers. Next they were told that Sui Northern Gas had been given the okay by its regulatory authority OGRA for another rise in gas tariff. The Pakistanis are now awaiting the government to announce the new (and obviously higher) consumer price of gas in accordance with this approved tariff rise.

The government prided itself upon being able to “reduce” the latest power increase sought by Wapda, from 47 paise per unit to 27 paise per unit. Similarly, OGRA also prided itself upon being able to reduce the latest demanded increase in gas tariff from Rs8.61 to Rs7.13 per thousand cubic feet. But for the consumer, this is little comfort. Regardless of whatever compulsions the government says it is obliged to comply with in going ahead with these utility price hikes, an increase is an increase, and even if the increase is only five paise per unit, the consumer would still have to dig deep into his pocket.

Had the Pakistanis had a parliament or National Assembly in place, it could have served to keep this ever rising utility rates in check, regulatory authority or no regulatory authority. The unfortunate absence of a parliament in this country has only facilitated the triumvirate of the government, the gas, electricity and oil-producing companies and their respective “regulatory” bodies in riding roughshod over the people through frequent price hikes that have clearly been enforced without due consideration to the consumer’s affordability.

The country and its people are going through hard times, particularly since Sept 11. The people are also frustrated and worried about the increasing spread of the 15 per cent GST net on all goods and services. The most shocking and painful has been the 15 per cent GST on medicines that was foisted on consumers earlier this year. The main agricultural sector has also been badly hit by recent droughts and water shortages. In spite of all this plus the alarming rate of poverty, the government has allowed one utility increase after the other without any regard whatsoever to the multiplier effect this would have on prices as a whole. Is this not ignoring the plight of the people?

It was an illusion to ever have thought that regulatory bodies like Nepra (National Electric Power Regulatory Authority), OGRA (Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority) or even the OCAC (Oil Companies Advisory Committee) could ever act as the government’s conscience, or the voice of the people, or even play the role of backbenchers in parliament to the advantage of consumers. As regulatory bodies, they are supposed to regulate and balance among government, corporate and consumer interests. But it is clear that they have only been looking after corporate and government interests to the utter neglect of consumer concerns.

Questions naturally arise about who should be members of these regulatory bodies and who should be funding the running of these institutions. The fact that international agencies like ADB and the World Bank are involved in the funding of these regulatory bodies should not have been allowed to influence the decisions made by the latter. But these regulatory bodies have practically become the apologists for corporate power and the government. Thus, it is apparent that they need an overhaul so that more people from different fields, especially grassroots leaders, union members, private-sector people and even regular consumers, should sit on them.

Wapda and Sui Northern Gas say the tariff increases are needed to cover estimated revenue shortfalls. But it is unfair for them to pass inefficiency costs onto consumers in the form of higher and higher rates. What the government should emphasize on is reducing the operational inefficiency costs in both the power and gas operators, both of which are clearly overstaffed and corruption-ridden. It could have avoided increasing the costs so much for consumers if it had concentrated seriously on reducing power/gas theft, line losses/leakage and non-payment of bills. Protecting and guaranteeing the coverage of losses through price increases to the consumer has only given both utility operators little reason and incentive to improve inefficient operating costs and increase productivity.

What Wapda and Sui Northern Gas are doing is certainly very unorthodox business practice. Any businessman will tell that if revenue falls and he finds customers buying less, the last thing he would do is to increase prices. What he would do is hold on to his prices, or reduce prices. But our two utility operators can raise prices with impunity only because there is no competitive environment in their business.

The government says energy prices have to increase because of its commitment to the exploring companies to bring prices in Pakistan at par with the world’s prices. But then, wages and salaries in Pakistan are generally low. How can Pakistanis afford to pay international prices for their electricity, gas and oil unless they get salaries and wages that are more up to international standards?

The frequent utility price hikes have raised some fundamental questions regarding what kind of model of utility operating system should be used in Pakistan. Should it be a subsidized or not-for-profit system, a totally free-market one, or a profit- oriented but regulated structure? How much profit should be allowed to the electricity and gas companies and how should that be computed? What should be the formula for computing utility rate increases?

The Pakistanis are not asking for handouts, but they do expect that in the provision of essential public services, the government should ensure that a balance is struck between generating revenue and making the services affordable, and reliable, to the people. In this respect, the question of the government’s dependence for revenue on surcharges and duties on utilities certainly needs reviewing. Would it not make better sense if the government reduced the cost of utilities, thereby enabling local industries to become more competitive internationally, which is essential for fuelling exports and, thus, real economic growth?

Hopefully, an elected government will have a more overriding responsibility in easing the difficulties of consumers in these bad times. There has just been too many price increases in a short space of time, and not only that, in one of the worst economic times.

For many of our future parliamentarians, any hike in gas, electricity and petroleum products in terms of paisa per unit or paisa per litre may be considered a paltry sum. But the Pakistanis will be expecting their elected representatives in parliament to argue against utility price hikes as if that was the last remaining change left in their pockets.

Costly sports project goes down the drain

WITH the passage of time, the traditional wrestling arenas here have either faded or become extinct. The nature of sports has changed and traditional wrestling is no more a craze. Cricket, hockey, football, baseball and squash have become popular sports among the educated youth.

Acknowledging the change, two stadiums were constructed here decades ago. One is called Jinnah Stadium and the other Mini Stadium. Crores of rupees have been spent on these two projects. The Mini Stadium was renovated at a cost of Rs20 million. Its ground surface was raised by earth filling, grass was grown, drainage system was set right and offices and pavilions were upgraded. It was reserved for playing hockey matches in the first place. Maintenance is the joint responsibility of the sports department and the district government.

But it is a bitter reality that we work by fits and starts. After sinking huge public funds, the maintenance and supervisory staff went in deep slumber throwing everything into disarray. The plan to lay austroturf in the hockey ground last year is no where to be seen and has become a future hope.

This costly project has been left at the mercy of encroachers, gamblers and drug addicts. Fruit sellers dump rubbish and store chattel on the ground and the young of the area use the place for learning driving. The lush green grass has perished, ditches have again appeared and the site has almost reverted to its old devastated position. This time renovation cost would be even greater. People wonder why such costly projects are not protected. The pity is that nobody assumes responsibility for the criminal neglect. Why the Nazim and the army of councillors behave in a bureaucratic manner, one wonders.

THE budget allocation for education keeps increasing but the public sector schools remain in disarray. According to press reports, as many as 64 government primary and middle schools in Gujranwala’s Saddar tehsil are devoid of basic facilities like electricity, water supply and urinals.

Firstly, budget allocations do not reach the proper quarters on time. Secondly, there is no instant check on use of grants. Transparency has vanished. Fund allocation and use are treated as well-guarded secrets. Vested interests serve narrow ends. The common man only hears false reports that funds are not forthcoming.

A number of schools have no boundary walls while class rooms of many schools are not fitted with doors and are occupied by dogs at night. There is no dearth of single-room schools where almost all classes are held in the open in all seasons.

The Education Department, aided by the army, has been hunting for ghost schools but nobody pauses to see why ghost schools come into existence. Nobody asks the helmsmen who post teachers and pay salaries, why staff was provided for ghost schools — schools that don’t exist? Why such schools escape attention of the local supervisors?

It is time that the local council system was mobilized and a well-chalked-out audit and inspection system associating the local councillors evolved to ensure proper use of funds.

SUI Northern Gas Pipelines company is a modern public sector organization with a highly paid professional staff. However, a bureaucratic attitude, red-tapism and personal whims govern the attitude of its functionaries. Development projects are delayed without good cause like other public sector departments.

Kalar Abadi was set up several decades ago. It now has a population of about 0.1 million. But the area is devoid of Sui gas supply.

Sui Northern chalked out a development programme for the supply of gas to it about a decade ago and invited applications from prospective consumers/customers in 1993. But soon the project faced a deadlock and appeals for its implementation fell on deaf ears.

Heart-burning is caused by the fact that even the far-off localities of Jandiala Baghwala and Rasul Nagar have been supplied gas under political influence while Kalar Abadi which is within the municipal limits remains neglected. The councillors and other opinion-making elite of the area rightly stress that this discrimination be removed and gas supplied to the area, which is a colony of low-income workmen and peasants.

Police ordinance: solution or problem

KAWISH writes that the cabinet has approved the controversial police ordinance which will take effect on Aug 14. At the beginning of the year the National Reconstruction Bureau had released the draft of the proposed police ordinance to know the views of the provinces, the public and experts. The cabinet was to approve the law by March but it kept on delaying this in view of the objections raised by the provinces.

The provinces believed that as the police department was a provincial subject, the ordinance regarding it was an interference in the provincial affairs. In the proposed draft the authority to appoint provincial police chiefs (inspectors-general) was entrusted to the Centre instead of the provinces. Similarly, the federation was to be empowered to appoint DIGs and SPs on the recommendations of the Public Safety Commission. Not only that, the IGs were to be made independent in administrative and financial affairs of their departments. Moreover, the police were to be given unlimited powers, including that of entering a citizen’s house without a warrant or magistrate.

As the amended draft law has not been made public, it is not clear what changes the government has made in it in the light of the objections raised by the provinces. However, according to reports, except for its administrative aspects, not much changes have been made in the ordinance since the NRB and the government have rejected more than 350 objections raised by the provinces. The ordinance is bound to increase violations of human rights and civil liberties by way of police excesses, illegal detentions and encounters, for which they have already earned notoriety.

The improvement in the law and order situation cannot be sought by provision of more powers to the law-enforcement agency but by bettering police performance and protecting the people from their excesses. It is necessary to ensure the protection of human rights and civil liberties before empowering the police. For this, the police culture should be changed and the force be made people-friendly. Besides, the police department is a provincial subject and not a federal one. Therefore, the laws regarding the police should satisfy the provinces. The government is advised to re-think the law before implementing it.

The interior minister has said recently that the ban on political activities will be lifted soon to create a conducive atmosphere for the coming general election, according to Sindhu. Political activities in the country have been banned since October 1999 when Gen Pervez Musharraf seized power from Nawaz Sharif. Since then the country has been devoid of a meaningful political activity. Under this situation, when the government slogans of restoration of durable democracy and its bright future are analysed, it leads to nothing but sadness.

A developing and democracy-loving country is recognized by its democratic values, provision of opportunities to the people to express their opinion and steps its government takes to create a healthy democratic culture. If, on the one hand, you keep talking about the restoration of democratic values and, on the other hand, political activities remain suspended in your country, it only depresses your people and earns a bad name for your country in the international community. Specially now that very little time is left for the election, the ban should be lifted immediately so that political parties can begin their campaigns.

According to Tameer-i-Sindh, the province is facing a dual agony as far as supply of irrigation water is concerned. Some breaches in the major canals have caused huge losses to the villages and destroyed the standing crop whereas water shortage in channels, fed by canals, is now forcing the growers to block highways and roads in protest because their hunger strikes and rallies have failed to bear any fruit. This situation speaks volumes about the corruption of the officials of the provincial irrigation department. Cannot they be held accountable for amassing illegal wealth by selling the water share of the small farmers to the big landlords?

Sach writes that the thousands of people displaced by the breach in the Rohri Canal have still not been provided any relief by the Sindh government. Various diseases are spreading in their camps where they are living in the open. The gushing water from the breach has destroyed their crop and deprived them of their animals, which were their source of income. The government should not only rehabilitate them but also provide them with some subsistence allowance.