THE recent PTI jalsa at the Minar-i-Pakistan continues to be viewed in many contexts. A favourite one is where the meeting is compared with other rallies at the same venue, including one by Imran Khan on Oct 30, 2011, where he practically launched his party. There are, inevitably, analyses that seek to establish similarities and dissimilarities between the PTI then and now. Whereas many observers said that the jalsa now ‘matched’ the numbers of the meeting then, the size of the party’s core that inspires the people from the top has grown by leaps. There is a much greater variety of persons around Imran now, necessitated by the demands.

One essential comparison at this moment is about the makeup of the people who turned up at the Minar to renew their pledge for a new Pakistan. There has already been a lot of debate in the media about the presence of women in the rally, and what ‘indecent practices’ they had been up to, according to morality leaders such as Rana Sanaullah. Clearly, the women occupied sufficient space here to be able to intimidate and provoke the prudes.

Another calculation being done in Lahore these days is the one that seeks to know just how many of these people who had gathered under the PTI banner belonged to the city itself. It was a critical question in the context of politics in Lahore, and in Punjab at large. It is clear that a large number had been brought to the venue — or had come on their own — from other parts of the country. This was not unusual for political meetings of this scale and significance.

But how many were from Lahore and in what spirit? In the lead-up the hard-core PTI workers in the city had been predicting a repeat of the October 2011 meeting, not in terms of the numbers, but in terms of the mood that had taken over the vast areas around the Minar that day.

Some of the old-mould folk had to give way to those who promised Imran Khan a more earnest shot at power.

A more realistic opinion ruled out recapturing that spirit since the PTI had moved much ahead of that innocent existence and turned into a robust, ambitious entity with desires of its own. This meant that some of the old-mould folk — like the idealists who had dreamily carried their children to this Iqbal Park venue in 2011 — had to give way to those who promised Imran Khan a more earnest shot at power. Still, the banners that the Lahore-based PTI politicians had unfurled in the approach to the April 29, 2018, meeting was a measure of just how keen the party was to woo the local population in a grand reawakening call in their own city.

A recent ‘aborted’ visit by Imran Khan had added greater value to these attempts at attracting the Lahoris, convincing them to spearhead this PTI push. Only days before the show under the Minar’s shadow, the PTI chief had abandoned a visit, aimed at meeting and welcoming new members, to Lahore midway. Party sources had then put the abrupt end down to security concerns — which had immediately cast doubts about a safe and successful holding of the Minar-i-Pakistan meeting.

Some knowledgeable journalists, however, insisted that the visit had been suddenly wound up because Imran Khan or those who accompanied him that day on a round of ‘his own city’ were not satisfied with the numbers that had turned up to greet him. Moreover, it was recalled that before this botched trip, another recent visit to the city had also not gone according to expectations as far as the crowd reception was concerned. If this was so, it must have put the PTI Lahore office-bearers under tremendous pressure.

There are stories of how a more united effort by the local PTI leadership can tap the pro-party potential more efficiently. You could say that this is true for all parties, but then this is not going to stop the more agile and aware beat reporters from exercising their right to write prolifically about the internal politics of this very potent challenger to the throne. But for someone looking at things from a somewhat distant point, it is clear that there are gaps and omissions in Lahore which the PTI will be well advised to try and fill quickly.

For instance, the party should have by now decided who they are going to field from which constituency in the city. The contest is still open, which is corroborated by the fact that more than one candidate had declared their intention of fighting from so many Lahore constituencies in the banner spring which took over the city in the run-up to the April 29 jalsa. It could well be presented as a proud sign of pluralism and democracy inside the party but at this late hour before the expected election it sometimes also appeared to be a battle within.

Ideally, the challenger should have invested time since the last election in 2013 in selecting and strengthening its candidates, especially in this crucial Punjab capital that can have a huge influence on politics in the very important province. That vital time was wasted in waiting in the hope of outside elements aiding the PTI’s cause, which is definitely how it turned out. Yet there was no harm in doing certain political exercises in Lahore, like picking up candidates well in advance of the expected polls date, which could have added more purpose to the effort of those whose job it was to fill the park around the Minar with people from Lahore.

The debate on Lahore’s share in the April 29 jalsa will go on without end. The PTI meanwhile must consider itself lucky that it has apparently caused enough of a scare in the rival camp with last Sunday’s public meeting — for the Rana Sanas to react in the angry way they have. This may be due in equal portion to the popular showing as well as the perceptions of the PTI being supported by the not so invisible establishment. This must not create an illusion that the PTI has won or it can easily win Lahore.

The writer is Dawn’s resident editor in Lahore.

Published in Dawn, May 4th, 2018