REMEMBER the excitement triggered by America’s much-publicised “pivot to Asia” almost six years ago? There was heady talk of Asia’s rise and the need for stronger US engagement with the region. Most Asians were reassured, China was irritated, knowing that the new policy was about its “containment” and Europeans fretted that Washington was seeking out new friends while forgetting old ones.

Fast forward to 2017 and little remains of the US pivot or “rebalancing” as it was quickly rebranded. True, US President Donald Trump is preparing to embark on a long tour of the region, starting on November 5 with visits planned to Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines. Washington’s message is clear: America still loves Asia. But Asians know better.

With his dire warnings of war against “rocket man” Kim Jong-un of North Korea, his retreat from the climate change accords and decision to withdraw from the Trans-Pacific Partnership pact on trade (TPP), the 45th US president is unpredictable, volatile and potentially dangerous. Little surprise then that Asia’s attention has turned more firmly on Europe — and not just as a trading partner.

After years of hesitation and much hand-wringing, Asean has finally invited the EU to the 12th East Asia Summit in Manila on November 13-14. Donald Tusk, president of the European Council, will be attending the influential Asean security forum as guest of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, who is current Asean chair.

Given the uncertain global climate and Europe’s commitment to a rules-based and open global order, Asean would be wise to make the invitation to the EU a permanent one. For its part, Europe should use the opportunity to further its increasingly strong case for an enhanced security conversation with Asia while also pursuing ongoing efforts to expand trade and political contacts as well as discussions on an array of global challenges, including climate change, illegal immigration and Agenda 2030 of sustainable development goals.

EU foreign ministers last week showed an unusual determination to review relations with several Asian nations. The new EU strategy on Afghanistan demands that Kabul show tangible progress in areas of democracy, human rights and women’s empowerment. State-building is given priority as is the importance of a more effective and responsive police force.

Ministers tightened sanctions against North Korea by slapping a total ban on EU investments and the sale of refined petroleum products to the country. After an initial disappointingly low-key response to the brutal crackdown by Myanmar’s military on the country’s Rohingya population, the EU scaled back relations with the country’s military and insisted that human rights violations must be thoroughly investigated.

Meanwhile, the recent EU-India summit sets relations with Delhi on a much-needed beyond-trade trajectory, with leaders from both sides agreeing on a long joint statement which promises cooperation on a vast panoply of sectors, including counterterrorism.

Contacts with Pakistan are ongoing, with officials meeting recently to discuss Islamabad’s demands for preferential trade access to the EU market and the convening of a third EU-Pakistan summit.

Interestingly, a first-ever EU-Japan free trade agreement is expected to be ready for signature in the coming months and EU relations with South Korea are moving into exciting new areas, including security cooperation. Relations with Asean are moving forward, despite difficulties in bilateral ties with the Philippines, Thailand and Myanmar.

Significantly, however, the EU needs to step up its engagement with China. Much is being made of President Xi Jinping’s emergence as the world’s strongest leader, his accumulation of power and authority and his ambition to turn China into a leading global power by 2050. Xi’s three-hour speech to the 19th Party Congress certainly outlined his vision of a country that would stand at the “centre of the world stage”, with a strong Communist Party and a military ready to take on any challenge.

But there was more, including an important promise to continue reforms, keep doors open to foreign businesses and deepen state-run enterprise reform. At a time of global anxieties and uncertainties provoked by President Trump’s words and actions and when protectionism and inward looking policies are gaining momentum across the world, Xi’s commitment to staying open and engaged in a “shared world” should reassure Europe and inject new energy into an erratic and irritant-prone relationship.

Certainly, the Chinese leader will have to turn these public pronouncements into real action. His record on walking the talk — namely translating the pro-globalisation speech he made in Davos at the start of the year into market-opening measures — has not been impressive so far. European businesses continue to complain of market access restrictions. And insisting on reciprocity, the European Commission has tabled proposals for Europe-wide vetting of Chinese investments in Europe.

Such tit-for-tat tactics may be a temporary mood-boost and help calm down a boisterous European business lobby clamouring for EU help in selling and investing in China. But such conduct runs counter to the needs of a world hungry for fresh money and investments. And it is certainly unworthy of relations between two increasingly inter-dependent and inter-connected great economic powers.

In the months ahead, both sides should try harder to make their relationship more robust, resilient and truly strategic. China needs to open up to European investments, technology and know-how if it is to reach the economic heights Xi has outlined. In return, Europe must become a more active and more engaged partner in Beijing’s game-changing Belt and Road Initiative.

—The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels

Published in Dawn, October 21st, 2017