Making LB system work

President Pervez Musharraf's reference to Pakistan's local bodies system as "revolutionary" in a speech in New York would arouse scepticism when seen in the light of reality.

More than three years after it was enforced, the system is not delivering. Hopes that it would bring about a significant improvement in the quality of life of the people of Pakistan have not been fulfilled even minimally.

Many powers bestowed on nazims remain merely theoretical because the provincial governments and the bureaucracy do not cooperate with the representative institutions at the grassroots level.

Power has been devolved from the Centre to the local bodies, and this has bypassed the provincial governments. The funding comes from the federal government, and for that reason donor agencies, too, do not give aid direct to union councils, town councils and district governments.

In Punjab, largely politically homogenous, one does not see friction between the provincial government and the local bodies to the extent found elsewhere. In the NWFP, the MMA government has priorities that have nothing to do with the people's welfare.

It is obsessed with the Hisba bill and non-issues that have no bearing on the problems facing the people. Besides, at least one major MMA component - JUI(F) - had boycotted elections to local government institutions.

The Jamaat-i-Islami does control some councils, but that has hardly made any difference to such basic issues as the quality of roads, sanitation, water supply, and the empowerment of women. While Balochistan is a category apart, in Sindh the problem exists in a more acute form.

The PPP is in the opposition in the Sindh Assembly, but it controls a sizable number of union and town councils in the interior. It accuses the provincial bureaucracy and the police of non-cooperation.

In Karachi, the smooth functioning of the city district government has been marred by the tussle between the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Muttahida, traditional rivals. Theoretically, the city nazim must have full control over such institutions as the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board, the Karachi Building Control Authority, and the police. But in practice, this is not the case. As speakers pointed out at a recent seminar, no less than 500 resolutions passed by the city council have evoked no response from the bureaucracy.

This is not to suggest, however, that the local bodies system is unworkable. But it has failed to make a meaningful difference to the people's lives at the grassroots level.

If the system is to work and give results, it is time the government examined what ails the local bodies. The basic idea behind the scheme is sound. Both democracy and economic development must grow from below. But its working is hampered by the tradition-bound life in rural areas, where the feudal lord has always controlled the social scene with the help of the police and the bureaucracy.

Breaking this strangle hold will take time. However, new possibilities of progress can be opened up by resolving the controversy over control, jurisdiction and funding affecting the working of the local government system.

There is a need for setting up a commission that should examine the working of the system and suggest improvements. Academics, social scientists and those actively involved in community development work should be on the commission so that its recommendations reflect experience and reality at the people's level.

Human smuggling racket

Remarks by Britain's high commissioner to journalists last week only seem to confirm earlier accusations by a former interior minister that senior government officials and political figures are involved in human trafficking from Pakistan.

In fact, what the envoy said cannot be termed mere allegation because he revealed that Britain had "shared information" with Pakistan on the matter. This would mean that London is quite convinced of the involvement of certain powerful people in organized human smuggling and is waiting for Islamabad to act.

On Friday, airport officials in Karachi off-loaded 96 passengers from a flight bound for Kyrgyzstan. All were from Punjab and had paid hefty sums to agents who had promised them jobs in Russia and other European countries.

Though this time the illegal migrants were caught, there have been many cases in the past where staff posted at exit points, normally with the FIA or the ASF, work hand in glove with the human traffickers to facilitate illegal travellers.

Like most rackets, this one too cannot go on for long without some kind of high-level connivance or collaboration. When the former interior minister levelled the accusations against some Punjab politicians, one might have taken them with a pinch of salt, not least because the personalities being accused happened to be his political rivals and because the minister himself was no angel.

The British high commissioner should have no political axe to grind. It is imperative that the government should crack down on those who dupe lower and middle-income Pakistanis by falsely promising to send them to western countries for lucrative employment.

Their hard-earned savings are basically stolen by these agents and those who attempt to go abroad this way often risk their lives for an uncertain future fraught with danger. No action to curb human smuggling will be successful as long as those in positions of power and influence are not reined in and prosecuted for their role in the racket.

Trouble in Nepal

Sick and tired of waiting for democracy to be restored in the Himalayan kingdom, thousands of Nepalese have once again been participating in anti-monarchy rallies in Kathmandu.

These should not be taken lightly by King Gyanendra and his advisers, including Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. In recent weeks, Nepal has lurched from crisis to crisis that have included a weeklong rebel blockade of the capital, followed by riots sparked by the massacre of 12 Nepalese workers in Iraq.

The latest blow has come in the form of the rebels' refusal to hold talks with the administration on the grounds that the government is not sincere.

Perhaps it is time that King Gyanendra and his loyalists realized the grave implications of the rebel's refusal to talk. Already, the war between security forces and the rebels has cost more than 9,000 lives, besides causing hardship to hundreds of people across the country. Unrest and anger with the government will only continue if this state of affairs persists - especially as the current ruling elite has not been elected by the people.

King Gyanendra should not allow his advisers to procrastinate further over the holding of elections. A democratically elected government must be in place to initiate talks with the rebels and get on with the job of restoring peace in Nepal.

At the moment, the Maoist rebels have the upper hand, for they can sense the unrest among the people. If this situation is not handled maturely, and if a disgruntled opposition continues to be kept out of the political mainstream, it is quite possible that anarchy will engulf the country and that, capitalizing on the consequences, the rebels will wreak even greater havoc than at present. Bringing back democracy through elections is thus the best route to take.