Challenge of terrorism
For the umpteenth time, Islamabad has denied that Al Qaeda training camps have been revived in Pakistan. This view is also shared by the Bush administration, which on Wednesday declared categorically that Pakistan was fully cooperating with the US in the fight against terrorism.
These denials are necessary because sections of the foreign media regularly "discover" terrorist dens in Pakistan. The basic assumption behind such concocted stories is absurd - that Pakistan has no interest in fighting terrorism.
The perception is obviously coloured by the Ziaul Haq regime's active participation in the US-led 'jihad' in Afghanistan. Many jihadi outfits - pampered by the Reagan administration with arms and money - developed a stake in Afghanistan and used Pakistan as a base for consolidating their power across the Durand Line.
Democratic governments between 1988-1999 were too weak to control these militant outfits, which virtually became a state within a state in Pakistan. In the wake of 9/11, and the turn-around in Islamabad's policy, these organizations, some of which have been banned, have made Pakistan the principal target of their anger.
While their aim is to hurt the government, they do not care who gets killed or injured when they bomb and attack. As recent acts of terrorism show, those killed in the attempts on the lives of President Pervez Musharraf, Mr Shaukat Aziz and the Karachi corps commander have been innocent civilians. In addition to Al Qaeda, there are sectarian outfits that do not have an anti-West agenda. Their targets have been rival sects.
However, Islamabad's cooperation with the world community in fighting terrorism pre-dates 9/11. For instance, Pakistan was instrumental in the arrest of Aimal Kansi and Ramzi Yusuf and their hand-over to the US.
For that reason, the Clinton administration had acknowledged Pakistan's help in fighting terror. After 9/11, some of Al Qaeda's high-profile suspects, including Sheikh Khalid Mohammad, were arrested in Pakistan, besides the recent arrest of Ahmad Khalafan Ghailani. This Pakistan has to do in its own interest.
To be sure, the war on terror is not going to be a short and swift process. The madressahs have been part of our society for centuries. They require reforms and careful handling. Also, one has to take into account the difficult mountain terrain along the Afghan-Pakistan border.
The border is more than 3,000 kilometre long and is hilly, with valleys and caves which serve as sanctuaries for militants. It is not altogether impossible for the remnants of Al Qaeda and Taliban to hide there, especially when they enjoy the sympathy of some tribal elements.
Terrorism has traumatized Pakistani society and has contributed to the sense of insecurity that prevails in the country. On the economic front, acts of terrorism, especially those directed against foreign missions and nationals, have discouraged investment and tourism.
Pakistan has also been threatened by Al Qaeda that it would pay for its perceived pro-US policy. While one may differ in detail with Islamabad on its handling of specific operations - like those in Wana - it goes without saying that Pakistan has to root out the monster of terrorism in its own interest.
No profundity of contemplation is needed to justify this course of action. Our airports, bus stops and railway stations, our mosques and churches, our markets, roads and highways must be made safe for our people. This requires patience and perseverance. But we would be the last country to permit Al Qaeda or militant camps to gain strength. That would be suicidal.
Bangladesh floods
It is clear from the devastating scale of this year's flooding in Bangladesh that Dhaka cannot cope with the natural disaster on its own. Government sources put the number of people affected at nearly 30 million, fearing that the post-flood recovery will be slow and problem-ridden.
This is because the time to replant the destroyed rice crop is fast running out while floodwaters have continued to rise - even 40 per cent of the capital has been underwater for several days.
If waters don't recede anytime soon, it is feared that a severe food shortage will cause a famine-like situation, lasting months and affecting some 20 million poor people who have already lost their homes and hearths.
Widespread health crisis cannot be ruled out either, with water-borne diseases like diarrhoea and cholera breaking out and taking their toll. Snakebites are another problem to worry about.
Getting food, clothes and medicines out to the stranded flood victims requires massive funds, well-coordinated relief efforts and a huge number of qualified personnel and volunteers. Bangladesh's own resources simply do not match the scale of the disaster.
Home to some of South Asia's giant rivers such as Ganges, Padma, Jamuna, Brahmaputra and Meghna, Bangladesh mostly comprises low-lying plains where flooding is a perennial seasonal problem. But this year's floods are the worst in about six years.
Environmentalists attribute the ferocity of the current disaster to growing deforestation and increasing and ill-planned irrigation activity. The two have resulted in soil erosion in the highlands and in the silting up of the riverbeds in the plains.
These environmental damages can only be undone by proper long-term planning and implementation, especially with regard to the number and siting of the irrigation projects.
Meanwhile, the appeal by Dhaka to the international community for emergency supplies and for funds to meet the flood victims' immediate relief and rehabilitation needs is urgent. It must be responded to at once to avert an impending humanitarian crisis.
Pollution in the NWFP
One reason why we never seem to be able to implement the law, and thus effect an improvement in the lives of the people, is attributable to the constant bureaucratic delay in setting up the legal apparatus required for enforcing rules.
An example of this can be seen in the NWFP, where the relevant authorities are showing scant interest in establishing environmental tribunals charged with the task of taking legal action against those found guilty of violating the Pakistan Environmental Protection Act, 1997.
The result is that more than 30 cases of environmental offences are pending, leaving those exposed to the risks of industrial and other types of pollution with no choice but to put up with the hazards of ill-health.
Like the other provinces, the NWFP faces an environmental crisis with air, noise and ground pollution exceeding all permissible limits, including those prescribed by the National Environmental Quality Standards.
With no corrective action being taken, this scourge is sure to take on distressing proportions as more and more people are suffering from respiratory and other diseases, with industrial effluents and other toxic substances affecting their systems.
Already thousands of people are feeling the impact of the uncontrolled emissions of lethal carbon dioxide from vehicles and brick kilns and of untreated industrial effluents making their way into the sources of drinking water.
If this situation is allowed to continue, the resultant drain on health resources is likely to far exceed the costs involved in instituting a system of prevention and control aimed at curbing pollution.
This is something that the provincial authorities and the public - that has so far done little to register its protest against the large-scale pollution in the province - must take note of, so that they can jointly take legal action against those who continue to pollute the environment.



























