Well done, Karachi!

And so it all went pretty smoothly at the National Stadium, and Karachi is hopefully back on the cricketing map. Well done, Karachi, and well done Karachiites. Kudos to those who were there at the stadium, but more so to those who were not there and did not make an issue of it.

How smooth it all went could easily be seen by the fact that Priyanka and Rahul Gandhi found it feasible to venture out into some of the enclosures and wave the Indian flag to cheering fans, both Indians and Pakistanis. It was a clear case of making the most of an opportunity to do some pre-poll campaigning in view of the forthcoming Indian elections - for the images were obviously being beamed in India as well - but the point is that the atmosphere at the stadium was good enough for them to go ahead with their plan.

Of course the two were provided detailed security, but the contrast was quite sharp in the manner in which it was provided by the Pakistani administration and the way it was ensured by their own sleuths; the former was the usual gun-totting, pushing-and-shoving stuff, while the latter was more civilized in the form of a few black-suited commandos who naturally were armed, but none of the armoury was on public display. It was all understated, and, to be honest, somewhat dignified.

It is fair to say that the crowd was at its best despite, and not because of, the huge security operation that was managed inside the stadium. The loud boos that marked the departure of the helicopter that hovered over the actual field of play before the game started was a clear indication of the level of derision among the crowd regarding suffocating security.

The crowd clearly knew what was at stake and exercised self-control which meant there was no outpouring of uncontrolled emotions even when there was something to provoke them. For instance, washrooms even in the main pavilion, the so-called VIP area, were not functional, and one can assume the status elsewhere in the stadium, but nobody tried to blow such things out of proportion on Saturday.

It goes to the credit of the local administration as well that it was able to restrain its police force which also broke from tradition, and there was much sanity in their actions yesterday than what has generally been the case on earlier occasions. For instance, the police on Saturday did not interfere with the harmless fun the spectators were having in the stands. And once the early-morning jitters and nerves settled down in the normal mode, police allowed the fans to even leave their seats and stand by the barricade close to the boundary line.

This was real-time sanity if past police record is taken as the yardstick. Police behaviour outside and on roads leading to the stadium was even better, and that in itself was a pleasant surprise.

The conduct of the match and the behaviour of the crowd were both appreciated by the visiting Indians. The administration got due acknowledgement in the shape of a letter of appreciation by the Inspector-General of Indian Police, Yshorvardhan Azad, who said it was a "unique opportunity to visit the command and control room set up by the Karachi Police ... The aspects of detail gone into have been a revelation. Communication channels area security, proximate cover and chain command have all been clearly defined... This is clearly the mark of high-grade professionals."

For the people of Karachi, the appreciation came from Indian captain Sourav Ganguly, but a special word came from the President of the Board for Control of Cricket in India (BCCI), Mr Jagmohan Dalmiya, who, in a joint Press conference that he addressed on Saturday along with his Pakistani counterpart, Mr Shahryar Khan, and the ICC President, Mr Ehsan Mani, that the crowd at the National Stadium was "one of the most orderly" he had ever seen "anywhere in the world".

If Pakistan could have clinched the tie on the field, it would have certainly been the icing on the cake for the cricket-starved people of Karachi, but it does not take anything away from the Karachiites who on Saturday put their city back on the international stage. Congratulations, Karachi!

Official comfort for atta prices!

From time to time this friend of mine and I sound out each other on what is happening, and we try and interpret the way it is all going. Or so we imagine. So when I called him during the week I was intercepted by his outspoken wife who complained about the price of atta. Straightforward question: what is wrong with the price of atta? What has gone wrong? Do something. (Sindh Food Department not listening)

That wasn't all. She very briefly and pointedly focused on her "maasi" (maid), who had 10 members of her family to feed, and was finding it frustrating (read humiliating) to pay for atta at the prevailing prices, which are on the higher side. She quickly did her arithmetic and said, "This maid was spending Rs50 daily on atta alone. What about the other items of daily use, for her survival." Of course, there was mention of the impact that the price of atta had on other atta-related and non atta-related items. There was a resentment alongwith a gentle tone of resignation in what she said.

Now quite obviously the subject of atta prices and some other items like milk and sugar, and cement too if I may add, have not evoked the kind of interest that prices produced at one time. Remember, how the price of sugar alone created a storm in the days of the Ayub government. Some of the protest and slogans then accused late Ayub Khan of being personally responsible for the sugar price rise. We have seen those times too, and many of today's generation doesn't know, understandably. For time doesn't tell all. It probably conceals more than what it reveals.

Of course the rich man in today's Pakistan doesn't understand the impact and the anguish of food prices when they rise, and the sad aspect of it is that his conversations reflect his complete absence of even awareness of what is happening to the majority of this country, this society. No bread, eat cake, that old contention we have heard over and over again. Sometimes in jest, sometimes in sarcasm. It should be stopped.

Let us look at what the common man, and the poor man is talking about. The context is atta and other such prices. Why is the atta price not coming down, and what has happened to all the points of sale (Rs11 per kg) that were announced for Karachi? What has happened to all the comfort and the consolation that was being given by official voices. Why are those official spokesmen so distrusted even now despite the effort that is being made to open new channels of communication and extend the frontiers of sharing more and more information. Has our disbelief reached a stage past reform, for a while?

Every day, almost there are angry newspaper stories that highlight and complain the fact of atta quality being poor, and its price being unaffordable. Unaffordable for the poor, for the majority. In all our excitement about globalization and development, and a terminology that many of us do not comprehend in the faintest, let us not forget that poverty is a major setback in all effort to give Pakistan a better, decent crime- free society.

A trouble-free Pakistan cannot be attained when the price of atta behaves the way it has been doing for a couple of months now. What has it done to the domestic budget to have spent that much more on atta? Imagine what that family has done without. Where has its pocket been pinched? That is if it had a pocket. The poor have no pockets? Do they? That is why the savings rate in this society refuses to rise.

A somewhat disturbing aspect of the atta context is that Pakistan has decided to "reject an Australian wheat consignment worth $30 million on the grounds of being contaminated with fungus. Reports indicate that a third country may be called in for testing, as the Australians have shown distrust for the testing facility and capability of Pakistan, asserting that it was not quite up to the standard that is needed to be able to "identify Karnal Bunt from other organizations". From newspaper reports, it seems that there is a controversy here too.

However, the common man is not truly bothered about the anger of Australians on Pakistan's wheat purchase refusal. He is not truly impressed by more and more "cook books" that are being launched (two were launched during the week in this city), nor by the way in which television channels have regular programmes on food, and recipes, and how the whole kitchen theme is glamourized! For the majority of people, says a citizen Faisal Faridi, is unable to understand the way in which the electronic media does these "cook book shows" without any mention or regard for the real life prices. He also spoke of how he had bought what he called the "recycled atta" most probably made from left over nans and chapatis (Bhoosee Tukras).

As a result of the atta prices, the wheat flour by-product prices have also gone up by 5 to 17 per cent. These by-products are plain bread, rusks, tandoori Nan, sheermal, and taftaan. Please note that the flour millers, who also have bread and rusks businesses, have raised prices and then shopkeepers have affected their own price rises too. And consumers have experienced other price rises by what are regarded as psychological considerations.

This psychological factor is often functional in the domain of ethics and scruples, a point often missed out completely and conveniently by the business community in the country.

The question that bothers citizens is whether this atta price shooting up to Rs18 per kilogram is on its way to assuming any alarming proportions. One prays that it doesn't happen and one's fears do not materialize. One prays that the confidence of the Sindh Food Department is right, and well placed, and remains intact.

Of course, for this resident of Azizabad, Abdul Hannan having a family of eight members daily living was so bitter that something should be done about it. He has been paying Rs20 per kg of atta (good quality) and Rs15 for the loaf of bread as against Rs13 that he had been paying for it last week. His rusks also cost more, and with his impatience being evident as we talked about this theme, I chose to bring the conversation to an end.

As I write I am distracted by the fact a local newspaper headline this afternoon was screaming about how atta prices were affecting other prices. Like the price of milk has raised dairy products prices and so on. Or cement price is going to affect the housing industry, and how it would paralyse our plans to bring houses for people to have their homes. Homes. That is a wandering thought.

When newspaper headlines scream like this banner story did on Friday afternoon, one senses the pain and the anguish of the family that tries to balance their lives within the confines of fixed incomes. Forget for the moment the lure of our current advertising and the official dream merchants, who are out to make you believe their images are real, and their promises credible, sustainable.

There is a lengthy quote from Four Quartets, where T.S. Eliot says: "O dark dark dark. They all go into the dark."

Somehow one feels that reality around is grim enough for one to be feeling this way. Atta price is only a symbol of how the common man is suffering quietly, patiently, and resolutely, at the moment. At the moment, please.

The sacred ground of the sahibs

If ever the British left behind a part of their countryside, it was in the shape of the Lahore Gymkhana cricket ground in the Lawrence Gardens, or Jinnah Gardens. My father used to tell me that it reminded him of the Worcester cricket ground, probably the most beautiful in Britain, with The Hove in Sussex being a close second.

One of my favourite pastimes on a spring Sunday is to take my tea and sandwiches to watch cricket at this virtual temple of serenity. The old eyes cannot make out the fine cuts or glances without binoculars, but one can, after honing my senses in the Minto Park of old, judge the measure of the man at the wicket. My late father had seen Don Bradman play his last innings for a duck and one never tired of listening to the excitement of the tragic event. He missed his average of 100. Finally, it was proven that he was mortal.

But then so is Tendulkar, at least my think he is. It is sad that Tendulkar will not play at the Lahore Gymkhana cricket ground, for little does he know that he will be missing an experience that might make him love Lahore. Nehru called it the cultural capital, the "real heart", of the sub-continent. Bhagat Singh lived out his immortal act here. Yet in the turmoil of history, one that goes back in antiquity, did finally emerge a game that the people of the entire sub-continent learned to love, more so in Lahore than anywhere else.

The Lawrence Gardens were created after the turmoil of 1857 was over. The "desolate land" is where the British forces camped and finally overcame "our disorganized ancestors" against great odds. In the disorder, in these gardens, was born the famous Club Sandwich. In an area covering 112 acres were organized the gardens. The vow of the East India Company was that it would bring 80,000 saplings of 600 different species from every corner of the world, where in those days, the sun never set. After collecting money from the sale of Badami Bagh, the Soldier's Bazaar at Anarkali and from a grant by the "Company Bahadur", was purchased the land where today stands the cricket grounds of the Lahore Gymkhana Club. This was the year 1860.

To start things off, a top gardener from Kew Gardens in London was shipped over and he began to train the local gardeners - 'malis' - and set about laying "the most beautiful gardens in the Punjab and Upper India". The Government College, Lahore, took over a major portion of the place to set up a botanical garden. The very first tree was planted by a beautiful young daughter of the commissioner of Lahore, Mr. Forsyth, on a crisp January morning in 1862. So thanks to the young Miss Forsyth began Lahore's most beautiful tradition.

She was later to become Mrs George Parker, who was to build the first house on the Racecourse Road. She died in Lahore and is buried at the cemetery on Jail Road. The garden was fed water from the Lahore canal. The three main gates were called Victoria Gate (on The Mall), Rivaz Gate (on Lawrence Road), and Montgomery Gate (on Racecourse Road). Today they remain nameless.

In the middle of the Lawrence Gardens was built the Lawrence Hall, designed by the chief engineer, Mr. G. Stone, and built in 1861-2. It was here that the Lahore Gymkhana Club was housed. I remember in my youth using the club and signing the 'chits' with relish. With my brothers we once ran up a monthly bill exceeding Rs2,000. What followed one cannot describe. The old waiters used to keep us in check, short of looking behind our ears to make sure we had had a bath.

But the pride of place in the entire garden must surely go to the cricket ground. The expert from Kew Gardens did a splendid job, for he laid out a turf the equal of which has not been found in the country. So true is the flatness, almost as if one could play a game of billiard on it. The pitch is another story. One legend has it that the entire mud was brought over from Worcester, and for one whole year it was cured and rolled and "not a lice was allowed to crawl on it". The result has been an exceptionally true wicket, with a "true bounce".

But to suit the beautiful trees that surround the ground and the lush green turf, is the exquisite pavilion, made from British oak. Many years later the cricket-crazy prime minister Nawaz Sharif got another one made of brick and cement, a sign of our times.

The first major match played here was in 1911 between the British Army and a World XI. The World XI comprised players from Gloucestershire and Lancashire, while the army team was drawn from the 87th Punjabis, 17th Lancasters, 15th Sikhs and the King's Regiment. The World XI team won by 61 runs. The match had its desired effect and a strong team led by D R Jardine played here in the 1930s.

It was followed by a Jack Ryder-led team that included 'Governor-General' Charlie Macartney in which Ryder, a former Test cricketer, hooked Muhammad Nisar, then one of the fastest bowlers of the world, at will. Lahore did not take well to their very own Nisar "Gooli" being hooked. The seeds of competition had been sown.

Pakistan's first 'unofficial Test against the West Indies was played on this ground from Nov 27 to 30, 1948, resulting in a draw. The Lahore Gymkhana cricket ground is where the very first 'official' Test between India and Pakistan on Pakistani soil was played from Jan 29 to Feb 1, 1955, making it the 35th Test ground in the world. The result was a draw.

Farm research body deserves better deal

As agriculture started changing from traditional methods to mechanized modes to meet the requirements of a growing population, the need was felt to strengthen research and education on scientific lines.

Both the Punjab Agriculture College and the Ayub Agricultural Research Institute (AARI), spread over an area of 2956.149 acres, were paid more attention in 1962. The Punjab Agriculture College was converted into the University of Agriculture. Upgradation of the AARI paid dividends in terms of continuous genetic improvement of crop varieties as well as fine-tuning of production technology.

Prior to 1962, only 59 crops varieties were released whereas between 1962 and 2004 about 287 varieties were released. These were instrumental in increasing crop yield.

At present, the AARI has 11 directorates at Faisalabad dealing with wheat, cotton, sugarcane, oilseeds, pulses, agronomy, horticulture, vegetables, plant protection, post harvest technology and entomology.

It has 10 sections relating to plant virology, plant pathology, soil chemistry, bio-chemistry, soil bacteriology, food technology, bio-technology, agri economics and statistics.

Several subordinate institutes and sections are located in other parts of the province to facilitate site-specific research in different ecological areas. These include the Directorate of Rice, Kala Shah Kaku; Directorate of Fodder, Sargodha; Directorate of Soil Fertility, Lahore; Directorate of Soil Salinity, Pindi Bhatian; Regional Research, Bahawalpur; Maize and Millets, Yousafwala; Soil and Water Conservation, Chakwal; Arid Zone, Bhakkar.

It has a total technical staff of 899, including 77 Ph.Ds., 785 M.Scs and 37 BScs. Its campus is spread over 2956.149 acres out of which 1774.332 are meant for seed production while 1181.817 are being used for research. The annual budget of the institute during 2002-03 was Rs433.463 million out of which Rs98.811 million were spent for operational purposes and the remaining on establishment.

Its focus is on crop plants which have food, feed and industrial values. Many of these plants had been grown in the subcontinent since ages but their yields used to be awfully low and could not support the growing human and industrial needs.

Efforts were made to enhance their yield potential. The impressive progress made in this respect is evident from the higher per capita availability of wheat, sugar, cotton, rice, vegetables and fruits compared to 1947-48.During the last three years, 43 new crop varieties evolved at the AARI were approved by the Punjab Seed Council for general cultivation.

Parallel to the conventional breeding for exploiting genetic variability, efforts have been initiated to employ biotechnological techniques for developing new varieties, micro-propagation of true-to-type plants and improvement in biological nitrogen fixation, etc.

In horticultural plants, various methods and techniques have been fine-tuned for propagation of fruits.

Standardization of compatible rootstock and nutritional requirements were achieved. Introduction and successful cultivation of thin-shelled almond and saffron in Soan valley, Kivi fruits and hazal nut plant at Murree is under way. Micro-propagation techniques and media have been standardized for raising plants of guava, kinno, mandarin, strawberry, date palm, pear, almond and apple.

Methods for rapid propagation of true-to-type Jojoba plant have been worked out.

The impact of research conducted in the AARI is huge in financial terms and it is generally believed that the benefit of just breeding for rust-resistant wheat varieties is far greater than the investment made in a single year on the AARI. All varieties of rice, wheat, pulses, sugarcane are developed by the AARI scientists. Even the AARI varieties are grown in other provinces.

In spite of the core role of the agriculture development in the Punjab, the service structure of the institute's scientists remained outdated. In comparison, the service structure of the Agriculture University, the Nuclear Institute for Agriculture and Biology (NIAB), National Institute for Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering (NIBGE), Pakistan Agricultural Research Council (PARC) and Education Department in the Punjab has improved tremendously.

Due to this discrimination, there is a lot of discontentment among the institute's scientists which is hampering their efficiency. There is only one BS-20 post in the AARI, as against over 70 BS-20 posts in the Agriculture University. It takes almost 25 to 30 years for the promotion of a scientist from BS-17 to BS-18 at the institute, while in case of the university it is 12 to 15 years.

Most of the institute's faculties which are basically meant for experimental research are under severe pressure. After its establishment, a number of directorates and sections came up, but research facilities were not expanded. These rather shrinked considerably because of development of residential colonies and offices around them. Over 90 per cent of its budget is being spent on establishment whereas most laboratories and agricultural implements are in a shambles.

The AARI needs better staff for the maintenance of equipment, the campus building and residences. Its infrastructure has become obsolete. Being a premier research organization, its revamping and improvement will help to facilitate the socio-economic uplift of the growers for attaining the national goal of self-sufficiency and exportable surplus, a senior scientist remarked.

Some reflections on a sovereign Iraq

The self-imposed deadline of June 30 for the transfer of sovereignty from American to Iraqi authorities is often treated as marking the start of US disengagement. In fact, the formal end of occupation changes the nature of the American engagement, not the need for it. It requires a new strategy for converting power into legitimacy and hence a new dimension to diplomacy.

American objectives in Iraq are often stated abstractly as if we went to war exclusively to reform the country. But we have a stake in the political orientation of Iraq, not only its internal structure. A sovereign Iraq on whose soil coalition forces will remain by agreement rather than occupation presupposes a government that is representative, secure, accepted internationally, and compatible with a peaceful world.

The countries recognizing it must be brought to conduct complementary policies lest their competition rent the delicate fabric of the new Iraqi authority. The Iraqi authorities must accept the basic arrangement and not feel as victims of it lest their irredentism inflame the region.

Paradoxically, despite their pre-war disputes, the major powers' interests in Iraq have, in fact, become more congruent. They would all be threatened - each in its own way - by a resurgent, radical Islam. They know that the consequences of failure in Iraq will spread across borders; they have much to gain from cooperation and much to lose from a repetition of the disputes at the outbreak of the war.

If the sovereign Iraq turns radical or fundamentalist, every country threatened by terrorism or radicalized Islam will be in jeopardy. The moderate secular Islamic countries like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco, and even Indonesia share this perception, though some may be too intimidated to avow it. This common purpose based on a common fear could be the beginning of a new approach to international order much as was the post-cold war order.

Under the best of circumstances, it will be a daunting task. The internal dynamics of a sovereign Iraq will be extraordinarily complicated. The American tradition seeks a guarantee against arbitrary political acts in a system of checks and balances. But there is no comparable experience in Iraq, which has been ruled autocratically for its entire recorded history. As a result, its various components do not look to their government for protection; instead they seek safety through enhancing the role of their communities, tribes, families, or faiths.

The early stages of democratization thus tend to fragment the country rather than unify it. Each community seeks the maximum guarantee against domination by the others and the maximum share of power and wealth. This is why, after June 30, the security situation in Iraq may worsen - at least temporarily - as the various disaffected groups shift their attacks to the institutions of the new government.

This is where the frequently invoked analogy to the occupations of Germany and Japan breaks down. Germany and Japan were nation-states without serious separatist movements or internal guerrillas. After their defeats, they quickly came to a consensus that cooperation with the occupying power was the key to restoring their societies and international standings. Leaders achieved support by demonstrating closeness to the occupation forces.

In Iraq, none of these conditions are met. The population treats the war as a defeat for Saddam Hussein, not for the nation. Hatred of the deposed dictator does not translate automatically into support for the United States. Indeed, many Iraqi leaders seek legitimacy by distancing themselves from America. It took almost seven years for Germany and Japan to achieve full sovereignty. In Iraq, this process is sought to be accomplished in seven months.

Three major communities are striving for influence in the new Iraq. The Shia, being a majority, insist on elections whose practical effect would give them dominance. The issue for the other groups is to what purpose the Shia would use their majority, especially in light of the demands by some Shia factions for the creation of an Islamic Republic. Some major Shia leaders - including allegedly Ayatollah Sistani - are said to be opposed to a theological government, and no doubt many Shia are immunized against authoritarianism by their experience under Saddam Hussein.

But these issues are still being contested within the Shia community by the various factions now in the process of forming themselves. Outside forces, especially from Iran, will play a significant role. The Iraqi radical and fundamentalist ayatollahs have so far sheathed their most potent weapon, the capacity to organize mass demonstrations. The future stability of Iraq will depend on whether they are waiting on showing their power for the end of the occupation or have genuinely accepted a pluralistic secular outcome.

By contrast, the Kurds, with their history of oppression by Baghdad, urge a federal system that would confine the central government to defence, foreign policy, and largely administrative functions with few, if any, enforcement powers or local governance. Kurds define self-government as only microscopically distinguishable from independence.

The heretofore-dominant Sunnis are mourning their lost pre-eminence. Having dominated Iraq for all of its history, they have no stake - at least yet - in preserving the emerging new structure. Whatever compromise emerges in the formation of a government will likely only mitigate their hostility, not dispel it. Thus, in the debate over the new arrangements, the Shia pose the challenge of the limits of pluralism, the Kurds of the limits of federalism, and the Sunnis the challenge of reconciliation.

Perhaps the single most crucial determinant for America's role is the impact of our democratic ideals on traditional Iraqi values. Overcoming the institutionalized inequality for women, for example, will bring us into conflict with the Islamic religious establishment, whether Sunni or Shia. Thus the ultimate domestic issue in Iraq may well turn on secularization versus Islamization. And the main secularizing force in Iraq was the Baathist party, which we have ousted. Finding domestic partners in Iraq will become a principal test of American statesmanship.

Iraq's neighbours will have their own ideas on this process. Syria can live with a secular, developing Iraq but not with a Shia one, and it will be uneasy about a pro-western orientation. Iran fears a strong Iraq and will resist a pro-American one. Turkey would welcome a pro-western Iraq but be uneasy about Iraqi federalism.

Iran's position is the most complex. It has a strategic interest in the weakest possible central government in Baghdad to forestall Iraq's re-emergence as a major force balancing Tehran's aspirations to regional hegemony. It favours federalism but fears the Kurds lest their autonomy challenge Tehran's rule over Iran's Kurdish population.

Iran's trump card is the majority Shia population of southern Iraq. Opinion is divided as to whether the Iraqi Shia prize national independence over religious comity. During the Iraq-Iran war of the 1980s, they remained loyal to Baghdad though Saddam Hussein's terror may have played a role in this. Some suggest that since historically southern Iraq was the focal point of Shia orthodoxy, the Iraqi Shia might emerge as ideological rivals to the Tehran Ayatollahs - though surely not without establishing some sort of Islamic rule of their own, weakening the prospects for stability in the rest of Iraq.

Turkey, as a NATO ally, has a significant interest in preventing a setback for the United States. And it is prepared to extend assistance in stabilizing Iraq. There are two limitations, however: the history of Turkish rule during the Ottoman Empire, and the potential conflict over the governance of the Kurdish regions. The former prevents - or at least complicates - Turkish participation in the security field.

And Turkey has an interest in the Kurdish region not entirely compatible with American support for Kurdish autonomy. Its leaders fear similar claims for autonomy among the Turkish Kurds, representing 20 per cent of Turkey's population. If Kurdish autonomy goes beyond a certain point, there is a not negligible threat of Turkish military intervention, perhaps backed by Iran.

Paradoxically, the future of Iraq, which two years ago threatened to destroy the alliance, may turn into an opportunity to rebuild the Atlantic Alliance and, beyond that, the international order in general. Until July 1, the United States is in a position to shape the institutions of a sovereign Iraq by itself. After that, Iraqi sovereignty will give other nations an inevitable participation.

And even before that, the administration is involving the United Nations to help resolve the electoral issue. A wise American policy would therefore seek to shape events before it is forced into it by the very process we have started. Specifically:

- The transfer of sovereignty to Iraq must not be the beginning of American withdrawal from Iraq but the start of a new phase of a different kind of American involvement.

- Security remains essential, but the new phase may permit a gradual assumption of domestic security functions by Iraqi forces with American troops guarding frontiers, infiltration routes, and attacks by large units.

- Since the process of internationalizing the political future of Iraq will start at the latest on July 1, it is better for the United States to lead it now by involving more countries in the process in two stages: by a contact group with NATO to bring about a basis for joint allied action in Iraq, and a larger group under the United Nations to define Iraq's relationship with the international community.- Dawn/Tribune Media Services International.