Of our excitement and their caution

Islamabad: There was a striking contrast in the way the Saarc summit concluded that might tell something about the future course Pakistan-India relations could take.

The Saarc joint declaration was overshadowed by the joint press statement issued after the meeting between President Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee on the sidelines of the Saarc summit.

And while the Pakistani camp was excessively excited in its pronouncements, the Indian side displayed marked caution. The disparity was particularly visible in the manner the two sides announced the joint statement.

At no stage did Prime Minister Vajpayee come in contact with media persons. Instead, the job was left to India's top officials, Yashwant Sinha and Brajesh Mishra, who were extremely measured in their responses. Mr Mishra cleared the confusion of his meeting the ISI chief with a single "No", adding briefly: "I met intelligent people, and not intelligence people". "Mr Sinha too was equally succinct in a 30-minute encounter with journalists, mostly asking them to find answers in the joint statement.

In contrast, in the Pakistani camp, there were three back-to- back press conferences. First, Prime Minister Jamali spoke for almost an hour on the achievements of the 12th Saarc. It seemed quite embarrassing when the information minister was seen constantly signalling to the foreign office spokesman to cut it short. In the end, when the spokesman apologized for the constraints placed by time, the PM was heard complaining: "I have all the time, it's the foreign office that does not".

Then came Foreign Minister Kasuri. While pledging that he would confine himself to the joint Musharraf-Vajpayee statement, he went much beyond that by availing himself of the opportunity to address such a large crowd of foreign journalists. Finally, President Musharraf topped it off by opening the rare gates of the presidency for any journalist cleared for the summit. He was visibly brimming with satisfaction, acknowledging that he was "a happy man". The encounter went on for so long that in the end there were no questions left.

Not to be left out, the information minister was found persuading journalists after the prime minister's encounter to attend his own press conference.

There may be reasons for India's caution and Pakistan's excitement. There has been a cycle of hope and despair that warrants caution. New Delhi will consider whether Islamabad abides by its commitment of not letting its territory be used for terrorism, much as Pakistan will see if India reciprocates in resuming dialogue and announcing further CBMs on Kashmir. The newly-found trust, the Indian media says, needs to pass the test of time.

Pakistan's reasons for satisfaction are also understandable. Both the summits have been more than successful. This may have partly deflected the intense international scrutiny because of our jihadi legacy and because of the latest revelations about Pakistan's alleged role in nuclear proliferation. Nearer home, this has deflected the criticism that the government confronted for disfiguring the Constitution through the recent amendment.

Such has been the barrage of mind-boggling activity in the last three days that people have not been able to study its balance-sheet. In simple terms, through the joint statement Pakistan has promised to restrain jihadis and through the Saarc declaration agreeing to anti-terror protocol. Pakistan has also made it possible for Safta to be signed by withdrawing its opposition to it.

On the other hand, in the joint statement India has explicitly agreed to a composite dialogue that includes Kashmir. And India has accepted our demand of resuming the dialogue within two months.

If India is restrained in its emotions, there are not many reasons for Pakistan to become overly enthusiastic. Perhaps, Pakistan should also exercise similar caution to ensure that the process of engagement does not stall since the frustration generated by failure will further erode the prospects of full normalization. The difference between Agra and Islamabad has been the secrecy maintained about backstage parleys about which nobody knows much. It makes sense to keep away from the media glare.

Trade prospects in Saarc region

The momentous happenings on the sidelines of the 12th Saarc summit in Islamabad and the historic agreements reached between the top leaders of Pakistan and India far exceed the expectations of the most ardent optimists on both sides.

Although the agreement between President Musharraf and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee to have a composite dialogue on all outstanding disputes between the two nuclear-armed powers from February onwards was reached outside the Saarc summit, what made it possible was the regional summit itself. To that extent this summit is more momentous historic than all other earlier summits of the seven nations save the first in 1985 which gave birth to the hitherto limping regional grouping.

Clearly the top leaders of India and Pakistan do not want to lose the momentum of the summit and the spirit of eager cooperation which prevailed there. So the first meeting between the two countries is scheduled next month and will cover all the disputes between them including Kashmir.

The level at which the meeting should start and the venue of the meeting have not been determined, and will be worked out later. It will mark the beginning of a series of meetings at various levels.

It appears that the general elections in India which may be advanced from October, 2004, to May or June may coincide with the schedule of the meetings. But both countries are determined to sustain the momentum of the dialogue for peace, co-operation and progress.

There are sceptics on both sides who find the agreements too good to be believed or achieved much too quick to be credible. But President Musharraf on his part describes the agreements as historic and a "historic leap forward" that must move on to settle the long standing disputes between the two countries. He says that since the collapsed Agra summit of June 2001, the two countries had reached a point where they had never reached in the past." This is a good new beginning.

India has responded equally positively. Indian external affairs minister Yashwant Sinha says that far more had been achieved in Islamabad than he had hoped for. He did not allow any discordant note prevail at the press conference he addressed after the summit.

What has been remarkable is the smooth manner the entire decision-making process moved in Islamabad. The draft agreements prepared by the officials was approved by the foreign ministers, and what the ministers proposed was endorsed by the top leaders. The usual hitch between the various levels of officialdom was just not there.

If that level of cooperation prevails at the meetings to be held hereafter between India and Pakistan, success can be achieved much quicker.

The fact is the world and the region are now far different from what they were during the Agra summit and the 11th Saarc summit at Kathmandu where all that President Musharraf could do was to shake hand with Mr Vajpayee and not get a word through to him.

There are many reasons why Pakistan and India have to work together and reach major agreements to change the face of the region with its nuclear weapons-armed adversaries.

The momentum for peace, cooperation and progress from the peoples on both sides is very strong and the groundswell is on the increase. Acknowledging that the two countries have agreed to promote the people-to-people cooperation and mutual visits, that is not possible unless the number of staff in the Indian and Pakistani diplomatic missions in both countries is restored to the old level before it had been reduced to half of 110 on both sides. Now it appears the old level of the staff on both sides will be restored.

The international pressure is strong on both countries to normalize relations and have useful contacts. If the US and the European Union exert pressure from one side, Russia and China are exerting their gentle pressure from the other. And they are ready to finance cooperative links between the estranged neighbours.

There are large economic losses to be suffered under the World Trade Organization regime if Pakistan and India do not cooperate economically and the gains to be achieved through concerted action in the economic sphere. This is an era of regional trade blocs following the setback to the WTO momentum to protect the interest of small nations and less developed countries. India and Pakistan cannot remain an exception to that and paralyze the region as a whole.

India has the ambition of playing the role of a regional superpower in the world on the basis of its number, its democratic credentials and military prowess. It does not want Pakistan to frustrate such attempts from behind, particularly when it tries to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council. In the manner China is trying to reduce India's hostility to it, India wants to reduce Pakistan's hostility to it to enable it to achieve its international ambitions with as little opposition or resistance as possible.

There has been clear flexibility in respect of Kashmir on the Pakistan side as spelt out by President Musharraf. He does not talk of "Kashmir here and now" in discussions with India. Instead he has come up with four-phase talks: beginning of a dialogue, acknowledgement of Kashmir as a dispute along with other issues, finding an appropriate solution for the Kashmir issue and finally implementing it.

Pakistan foreign secretary Riaz Khokhar has suggested a three-step process: begin discussions at the foreign secretaries level, then at the foreign ministers level and finally at summit level. His suggestion is more like what the Indians have been suggesting and that is how the meeting next month is likely to begin to prepare the groundwork for decision later by the top leaders.

The two attacks on President Musharraf's motorcade last month too underscore the urgency for cooperation between India and Pakistan on fighting terrorism in the region. India welcomes such cooperation for it faces the same kind of threat.

Mr Vajpayee has been saying this is his last effort to make peace with Pakistan after his earlier two attempts had failed to produce positive results.He has now a general election to face and the Financial Times of London says he wants to face the election as a world statesman, and not only as an Indian leader. So he wants to reduce the hostility to him or to India, and to begin that with making peace with Pakistan and settling the Kashmir issue for ever.

Before Mr Vajpayee came here he wanted Saarc to give a great deal of importance to economic cooperation in the region and make the South Asia Free Trade Area a reality. The Safta decision has been taken by the Saarc unanimously. It is to come into effect from January 2006 after the protection given to the less developed countries in the group which has satisfied them.

Equally important, if not more, is the Saarc social charter to promote the welfare of all people of South Asia in all fields. It seeks to fight poverty in a region which has the largest number of the poor in the world and protect the rights of women, children and youth. The Saarc states have agreed to establish a people-centred framework for social development and to build a culture of cooperation and partnership.

These are great goals to be achieved collectively and by each member country that would demand tremendous resources to be devoted towards that purpose. Are the countries prepared for that? Will they agree to cut their defence expenditure and allocate far more funds to the demand of the social charter?

The common complaint against Saarc is that it takes far reaching decisions but does not implement them earnestly and expeditiously. The Napalese prime minister in particular made a pointed reference to how the Saarc is long on declarations and short on action. But now Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali says the standing committees of Saarc would expedite implementation of the decisions taken by the Saarc summit. The standing committees have been there before as well but have done little to achieve the proclaimed objectives of the Saarc, however lofty, popular and direly needed by the region.

There have been suggestions to expand the Saarc and get more countries on board. India would like Iran, Afghanistan and later some central Asian countries to join in. Pakistan wants Iran, and even China and Japan as new members. If they join the Saarc its name may have to be changed as south Asia does not cover China and Japan.

But the possibility of other countries joining Saarc depends on the success of Saarc, its efficacy and popularity. Iran has been a member of the Cento, then the RCD and now the ECO of ten regional members. And yet Pakistan-Iran economic cooperation has been very small. Hence what a regional grouping matters is where it delivers, and not in the number of its members.

Will the Safta really lead to larger trade in the region? Intra-regional trade in the Saarc region is now 3.8 per cent of their external trade or under five per cent. The Confederation of Indian Industries has said in a special report that trade can be doubled every five years, which means a 15 per cent annual growth which is not too high. It has also suggested that India should take the lead in providing zero-rated tariff to the less developed countries in the region.

India instead prefers Safta as agreed upon in Islamabad with increased tariff concessions for the less developed Saarc countries.

The Islamabad summit has taken some bold and far reaching decisions including reformation of the South Asian Economic Union, which it prefers to come into effect in 2015 instead of 2020.

Education-research-extension linkages be strengthened

Agriculture institutes have irrelevant curricula, teaching and training materials and insufficient equipment and physical facilities. Agriculture universities are performing a mainly teaching role whereas the other two roles namely research and extension have suffered a serious setback due to lack of funds and inappropriate linkages with research centres and agricultural extension programmes.

This was observed at a six-day international seminar on 'Enhancement of effective extension system in agriculture' held at the University of Agriculture here recently in collaboration with the Asian Productivity Organization.

The objectives of the seminar were mainly to assess the prevalent agricultural extension system in member countries and suggest strategic actions to improve their performance. It consisted of the presentation and discussion of resource and country papers, field visits and workshops.

The topics covered were agricultural extension in Asia and the Pacific, time to revisit and reform, strengthening education-research-extension linkages for effective agricultural extension, experience of Pakistan, integrated multidisciplinary and holistic rural development approach for effective agricultural extension services, information and communication technology applications for effective agricultural extension services, challenges, opportunities, issues and strategies, prospective extension methodologies and rural livelihood and participation in extension approach for innovative agricultural development.

During the seminar, it was observed that the agricultural development system in Pakistan faced the problems of insufficient funds, limited human resources, lack of training opportunities, inappropriate salary scales and promotional prospectus, low degree of participation of small farmers and other stakeholders, replanning, review, monitoring evolution, faulty marketing system, lack of scientific information, management skills among senior managements and inadequately developed institutional research agenda, weak mechanism for microplanning at village, union council and tehsil levels to mobilize farmers into different interest groups and organizations for enhancing productivity per hectare and marketing of their produce.

Speaking at the seminar, Punjab Forest Minister Dr. Ashfaqur Rehman said worldwide about 600,000 extension personnel were working for the welfare of more than six billion people out of which 75 per cent lived in the developing world, and about 58 per cent of the total population of the developing world was categorized as agricultural. Development of this sector in developing countries was unquestioned and can rightly be called a prime mover for economic growth.

He said according to a recent report of the FAO, more than 790 million people in the developing countries still went hungry which was an alarming situation. Since independence, a number of extension models had been tried which met with partial success due to one or the other reasons. Globally, however, serious reservations are being expressed about the ability and performance of the public sector extension which means that agriculture extension is in transition and at the crossroads.

Dr. Saeed Ahmad, APO programme officer, in his paper said recently some attempts were made to make the extension system more effective which included closer linkages between research and extension services, use of modern communications, technologies and greater involvement of farmers. But many people still wonder how the small farmers can be effectively supported in obtaining the appropriate technologies and information needed to cope with changing demands and market situations.

University of Agriculture vice-chancellor Dr. Riaz Husain Qureshi said an effective agricultural system involved not only the dissemination of individual technologies but also knowledge sharing, capacity building, encouragement of active farmer participation and improved mindset of farmers.

He said a deliberate holistic approach would help turn their knowledge, resources and inherited social capital into driving forces for productivity increases and rural development. He said the University of Agriculture had made very useful linkages with progressive farmers by organizing kisan melas and farmer moots, etc. at the campus and the university was also arranging a number of seminars in this regard.

"Agricultural education should be collaborated with agriculture extension and this is possible in two ways only - one is that agricultural research and extension be given under the control of the University of Agriculture and the second method is that some districts like Faisalabad, Jhang and Toba Tek Singh be given to UAF for the purpose of extension linkages with farmers and implementing their results of agricultural research," the VC proposed.

Dr. Sharma of India, Dr. Kalim Qamar of FAO from Italy, Dr. Ansar Ali Khan, Dr. Saeed Ahmad, Dr. Tanveer Ahmad, Dr. Maqsood Ahmad Gill and many other scientists from Japan, Australia, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Iran presented their research papers which focused on globalization and termed it a most powerful and far-reaching force for the agriculture sector.