Sharing water equitably

THE Indus River System Authority has for now agreed to release water to the provinces based on a ‘historical use’ formula for the Kharif season. Both Sindh and Punjab, the main contenders in any Irsa decision, have agreed to the application of the formula pending an agreement to be hammered out by Irsa’s technical committee. The modified and agreed ‘historical use’ formula entails the provision of water for the provinces on the basis of the average quantity each province got during the past three years. While this may be an acceptable arrangement on a tentative basis and in the absence of a formal accord among the provinces, it is hardly a fair one. If the provinces had been happy with what they got as their share of water over the last three years, they would not have been complaining about it in the first place.

As the irrigation water allocation body manned by experts and bureaucrats representing all the four provinces and the federal government, Irsa is expected to allocate water in an equitable manner to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. But this has not happened since 1991 when Irsa, for the first and last time, struck an agreed accord among the provinces. The problem arose when, in 1993, the supply of water in the river system began to decrease as a result of reduced rain and snowfall in the system’s catchment areas. A decade-long relatively dry spell, related perhaps to the recurrence of the El Nino and La Nina global phenomena, has kept the water levels in the river system low, leading to discord and bickering among the provinces on sharing this scarcity. Consequently, Irsa has become politicized and nearly dysfunctional when it comes to allocating water to the provinces.

There seems to be no end to the bickering among the provinces over an agreed formula for sharing water. It would seem that Sindh has been demanding nearly an equal share with Punjab while its arable land has continued to shrink over the years. In comparison, Punjab accounts for 80 per cent of the country’s agricultural production, including the cash crops like cotton and rice which account for a large part of the country’s export earnings. But unlike Punjab, Sindh’s problems of waterlogging and salinity — because of the poor state of maintenance and repair of its canal infrastructure and the neglect of its agriculture sector — have taken a heavy toll on its farmers. Nearly 40 per cent of arable land in Sindh has been lost to waterlogging and sea water intrusion through the Indus delta during the winter months when the river barely flows. This intrusion is due mainly to the weakening of river flows caused by drought conditions. In view of these problems, Sindh’s demand for a bigger share in the river water resources would seem justified.

During the coming Kharif season — April 1 to June 10 — the expected shortfall of water is luckily going to remain within manageable limits of one to five per cent. But this may not remain the case in the next Rabi season, when an overall annual shortfall of 30 per cent or more may make the squeeze of shortage more acutely felt. This possibility is borne out by the experience of the last three years. Clearly, this is not an issue over which any political decision making is required. Logically, the best formula to apportion the scarce water would be to follow a need-based formula, whereby each province can state its actual needs and then share the shortfall equitably. This alone would save Irsa from becoming a tool in the hands of squabbling bureaucrats, ‘experts’, and the politicians, who use the scarcity of water to create bad blood between the provinces.

Wapda’s FATA dilemma

WAPDA is losing a staggering one billion rupees every month because consumers in the Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) simply refuse to pay for their electricity. Despite every effort, the average recovery rate in the area stands at a meagre five per cent, most of which comes from the public sector. As a result, the area owes Wapda a massive 24 billion rupees in arrears. The problem began in 1999, when Wapda scrapped the flat rate system and decided to bill consumers on the basis of their consumption. The decision caused an uproar in the area and most consumers refused to pay. As the defaulters grew in number, Wapda compounded its problems by increasing its tariff substantially at short intervals. As a result, the amount of arrears skyrocketed, reaching their current astronomical level. A number of punitive measures were eventually taken, including threats of cutting off power supply to the area.

The tribesmen responded by blocking roads and threatening the authorities with dire consequences. The protesters argued that they deserved heavy subsidies because their area is extremely backward. While this argument may have some merit, it is particularly unfair to people living in equally backward parts of the settled areas who have to pay their bills regardless of their poverty. Eventually, the recovery drive had to be called off because of the extreme sensitivity of the area, specially in view of anti-terror war in neighbouring Afghanistan and the subsequent search for Taliban and Al Qaeda fugitives in the vicinity. Wapda officials are bitter about the government’s decision to back down. They argue that the local political agents are afraid of launching a vigorous recovery drive because they are afraid of provoking a law and order situation in the area. This refusal to act only encourages the defaulters at the expense of paying consumers. The government must now make a firm decision on the issue. While acknowledging the sensitive nature of the area, it must ask itself whether it can sit back helplessly and watch a group of tribesmen hold the government to ransom and cause billions of rupees in losses to an already cash-strapped utility.

Depths of depravity

THE sexual abuse by two policemen of a 12-year old boy in Karachi the other day, and the boy’s subsequent suicide by self-immolation, is shocking beyond belief. The cruel and despicable assault came shortly after nightfall when the boy was returning home after a day’s work as a tailoring apprentice in a city suburb. The incident speaks volumes for the kind of lawless behaviour that certain elements within the police force have been engaging in with impunity. Only last year, five policemen in another part of the city barged into a flat and raped and tortured two sisters.

The police have registered a case and arrested the two constables accused of abusing the boy following the intervention of the higher authorities. The city’s police chief has promised the bereaved family that the accused will be tried before an anti-terrorism court for their heinous act and, if found guilty, would be given maximum punishment under the law. One wonders if this action alone can serve as an effective deterrent to the criminal activities of rogue elements within the police force. The Sindh ombudsman’s orders recommending judicial investigations into police excesses, which were recently quashed by the governor, seems to be a more effective method of dealing with such excesses. The governor would do well to reconsider his earlier decision in the light of public concern over the recurrence of such heinous happenings.