For example,
This year the UN committee considered
Since the report was submitted by the Musharraf regime in January 2008 the present government cannot be blamed for its flaws but there must be some evidence to show that matters are now better understood.
The contents of the 55-page report provide much cause for hilarity. Beginning with a description of the land and its people (two pages), it devotes a little less than two pages to the ‘general political structure’ and more than six pages to the local government system (the National Reconstruction Bureau’s input perhaps). After describing the country’s judicial system the report discloses that ‘the constitution of
A number of laws are mentioned ‘which directly or indirectly give effect to provisions of the convention (CERD)’. These laws include: The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, the Child Marriage Restraint Act, the Mines Maternity Benefit Ordinance, the Civil Servants Rules.
A number of pages are devoted to development schemes for the religious minorities and details of civil awards conferred on non-Muslims. Also mentioned are the radio/TV programmes presented on non-Muslims’ festivals. A fundamental flaw in the report is the assumption that whatever is provided in the constitution and the law for all citizens is duly available to all racial or ethnic groups/minorities. A claim no one can prove.
It seems the UN committee and the
The committee welcomes Pakistan’s ‘acknowledgment of the intersectionality, to a certain extent, of ethnicity and religion’ but ‘reiterates its recommendation that the state party broaden its understanding and constitutional definition regarding minorities, so as to take into account all the grounds of discrimination included in Article 1, paragraph 1 of the convention’.
In plain words, the UN committee wishes the Pakistan government to re-read and comprehend the following paragraph (Article 1, para 1 of the CERD): ‘In this convention, the term ‘racial discrimination’ shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin, which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.’
It seems that in addition to their lack of comprehension of their obligations under the CERD, Pakistani authorities find little activity worth reporting. They have tried to cover the poverty of their brief by making inappropriate claims. For instance, the requirement of consulting NGOs before finalising the report is said to have been satisfied when the then minister for human rights held a single meeting in December 2007 (the black emergency days) with some NGOs that included ‘Pakistan Christians’ and ‘Human Rights Mission of Pakistan’ but it is doubtful if the government had tried to talk to organisations specialising in the plight of ethnic, linguistic and racial minorities.
Similarly much is claimed to have been achieved by the National Commission for Minorities which held five meetings between 1997 and 2006! Most Pakistanis are unaware of the exploits of this commission which does not even have its separate secretariat. Further, one is at a loss to understand the relevance of the case Masroor Ahsan vs Ardeshir Cowasjee (PLD 1988 SC 823) to the CERD.
The result of going to the UN with an inadequate and misconceived report is that Paksitan has been asked:
– To provide information on the representation of ethnic groups in government and public services in the next periodic report and also ‘to legislate and mainstream the existing policy on the provision of adequate political participation of all ethnic groups’.
– To ensure that all persons enjoy their right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, without any discrimination based on race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin.
– To inform the committee ‘of measures taken to eradicate the social acceptance of racial and ethnic prejudice, e.g., by intensifying public education and awareness-raising campaigns, incorporating educational objectives of tolerance and respect for other ethnicities, as well as instruction on the culture of all minorities, and ensuring adequate media representation of issues concerning all ethnic and religious minorities, with a view to achieving true social cohesion among all ethnic groups, castes and tribes of Pakistan’.
The set of the UN committee’s concerns and recommendations spread over 25 paragraphs (six pages of the report) make a number of demands on
Is it too much to expect the government to put its act together over the next two years and make a sincere effort to tell the world what it is actually doing to guarantee the basic rights, for instance, of the Baloch, the Seraiki-speaking people, the Kalash people, the scheduled castes in Sindh, the Ahmadis and the indigenous people?
- Resume talks with India
- Unconstitutional acts
- In distress abroad
- Not by begging alone
- Motherland for sale?
- New Malakand pitfalls
- Fate of farmlands
- Fata priorities
- Colombo’s new tasks
- Of popular justice
- The Indian election
- Wobbly response to crisis
- Dissent no, defection yes
- High road to salvation
- Parliament’s supremacy







