January 1, 2004

The state of affairs in the local bodies remain confused, as the case of Swabi shows, reports Muqaddam Khan

“I say the devolution plan will bring about a real revolution in Pakistan... Our reading is that 35 per cent of nazims and naib-nazims are those whose families have never taken part in elections. This is an extremely healthy sign and therefore I am convinced that a new culture is emerging in Pakistan,” said President Musharraf in an interview to the Herald on March 29, 2001.

When the government unveiled its plan for local government and devolution of powers on Aug 14, 2000, some analysts said it may be able to function successfully while others believed that a total collapse of the administrative machinery could not be ruled out. None of the political pundits were impressed when the details of the devolution plan were made public. However, all of them agreed that the new system had been devised to strengthen President Musharraf’s grip on power.

The local bodies’ elections were held on a non-party basis but the military regime had failed to prevent politicians from using the political clout of their respective political parties. The heavyweights of the political parties had given a green signal to the district leaders to enter into a political marriage according to their own judgment and environment.

Even conflicting ideological differences and age-old animosities were set aside to forge alliances. Sworn enemies turned into friends and friends became foes in the race to join President Musharraf’s bandwagon.

The election of nazims revealed that all those affiliated with the political parties had emerged victorious. The leaders of mainstream political parties had disguised themselves to contest elections. The military regime was well aware of this fact, but did not take action against anyone and only kept the sword of disqualification hanging over the heads of nazims.

Besides, substantial evidence had surfaced that the regime was directly involved in manipulating polls and the success of government-backed panels. In district Swabi, the Swabi Independent Group (SIG) comprised PML-N, PML-Q, PPP (Sherpao), PPP, National Awami Party Pakistan and Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf who had forged an alliance, while the Awami National Party and Jamat-i-Islami were in the opposition’s alliance.

Some of the key members of the PML-N also supported the latter group. Sher Zaman Sher of SIG was elected as district nazim and Masood Jabar as tehsil Swabi nazim, only the Chota Lahore nazim slot was captured by Haji Muhammad Amin of JI. The ANP faced an ignominious defeat, rocking its credibility in the district, which had remained its stronghold.

From the very first day, the ANP leaders devised various strategies to uproot both the district and tehsil government. However, it got an opportunity when some of the SIG members deserted Jabar and joined the opposition in June.

A no-confidence motion was moved against Jabbar on July 18. Displaying shrewdness just two days before the motion, he secured a 15-day leave to visit the Philippines. He said it was an official visit while the opposition alleged that he dashed off to the Philippines when he failed to lure his former colleagues.

But the dilemma of the opposition was that in the absence of the nazim, the convener was not in a position to summon the council for voting a no-trust move as clause No. 6 of section 63 of the Local Bodies Ordinance 2001, states that the tehsil nazim has the right to appear before the council and present his defence.

To increase their number the treasury had moved a no-confidence motion against three union council naib-nazims and the opposition had also targeted the same number. Both the parties had approached the Peshawar High Court. The opposition had also staged a protest against the district coordination officer for his alleged leaning towards the government.

The opposition accused naib-nazim Ali Yar Khan for his delaying tactics and moved a no-confidence against him. Khan, who joined the United Arab Emirates Air Force a year ago, had left his job. The government allowed him to shuttle between the UAE and Pakistan.

The opposition approached the provincial deputy secretary for the Local Council Board, Sardar Latifullah, who directed the senior presiding officer Mustafa Kamal to convene the session on the motion against Khan. When the council was called for voting a no-confidence motion on July 30, pandemonium marred the session.

The opposition alleged that the presiding officer tilted towards the treasury benches, started a full blown agitation and occupied the chair of presiding officer. The treasury members boycotted the proceedings.

However, the opposition voted a no-confidence motion and elected Attiqur Rehman as a convener. When the senior presiding officer Mustafa was poised to call another session for voting on the motion moved against Khan, the deputy secretary issued him a letter (No AO/LG/LCB/6-5/2003, dated Aug 8) in which he says that the tehsil council in its meeting held on July 30, 2003, passed the motion against naib-nazim by a majority of votes of its total membership through a secret ballot as per provision of section 72 of NWFP, Local Government Ordinance 2001.

In another letter (No 2281-2319/TMA, dated Aug 13, 2003) he said that you (Mustafa) are directed to remain away from holding any meeting on a motion against Khan as the internal recall motion has already been passed.

Despite that, Khan has remained naib-nazim of the council to date. A few days back, he had returned from the UAE for the third time. When the opposition could not complete the quorum the no-confidence motion against Jabar failed on August 23.

The unabated rivalry has led to the suspension of work on all development projects; welfare activities have remained dormant during the last five years, no new project has been launched in the current financial year and even the annual budget has not been passed. The budget session called in September was also marred by pandemonium. Jabar was not allowed to read a word from his budget speech.

The opposition leader Raham Akbar told this correspondent that out of 56 members they enjoyed the support of 31 members, a majority that he could prove. When asked why they failed to complete the quorum on August 23, he said that some of their members were not allowed to attend the session and some of them were blocked through the illegal no-trust motions moved against them. In contrast Jabar said, “the opposition did not complete the quorum. I had proved on August 23 that the majority was with me. If there is need to do so on another occasion, I will prove it again.”

However, some insiders told TR that both the treasury and opposition have fed off the confrontation, now looking to save face. There is a golden chance that the naib-nazim slot will be given to the opposition and Jabar will remain nazim. The people eagerly await an outcome; they realize that the confrontation has put their credibility and the system at stake.

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