On May 11, 2006, six policemen lost their lives in a terrorist attack on the Police Training College, Quetta. The same incident left 13 people severely injured with a fear of losing eye sights. On the same day, saboteurs blew up an important electricity installation that supplied power to Kohlu and Barakhan areas. Faction fighting is continuing in and around Dera Bugti and Sui between clans loyal to and against Nawab Akbar Bugti. While these incidents were most tragic as far as their impact was concerned, they could not be termed isolated events. Acts of violence and sabotage have marred the Balochistan scene. The use of sophisticated devices and weapons and the continuity of such acts without any break clearly suggest that the situation is much more than a conventional law and order problem. The complex inter-relations of these events with Baloch communities and the power structure render the course of events worthy of immediate attention.
In a recently published research paper, Frederic Grare of Carnegie Endowment has raised some concerns which are very important and which require detailed and objective assessment. He has outlined several core reasons behind the seething unrest and resistance offered by the various factions of nationalists. The on-going expropriation of land and resources by other communities and state agencies; marginalisation from the mega development projects; and plans for the construction of military garrisons in Sui, Kohlu, Awaran and Gwadar are key concerns.
The expansion of federal intervention and control over routine development and administrative affairs in the province; the communal and ethnic strife in the prevailing social composition; the low status of social and economic development; the turbulent history of militancy and resistance towards the establishment; and the current use of brute force by the regime to quell the resistance are some factors that are further compounding the situation.
The Balochistan situation is now largely internationalised. Events such as the recently imposed ban on the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), the abduction and killing of Chinese engineers and briefings by Baloch legislators to European Union officials have brought greater focus of international community towards the Balochistan scenario. The popular perception is that the current handling of Balochistan crises by the establishment is not likely to yield any concrete results. It is of utmost importance that a congruent approach is adopted to develop a sustainable and acceptable solution to the problem.
The need of the hour is to come up with genuine measures of confidence building. It has been observed that whenever the seriousness of the law and order situation intensifies, the government announces vague financial aid packages for the province. Political circles as well as stakeholders normally view such moves as an attempt to divert the public’s attention from core matters. It is sad to note that during such events provincial government representatives are seldom found. What one finds are only the personnel of law enforcement agencies.
In order to set the initiative, the regime must display a magnanimous attitude by announcing amnesty and ceasefire according to strategic precautions. Top leaders of all the factions including the Balochistan National Movement, the Jamhoori Watan Party, the Baloch Student Organisation and other groups may also be invited to dialogue sessions arranged by the provincial government. All the tribal chiefs and representatives may also be invited to this moot point. The objectives of the dialogue need to focus on striking a working relationship between the government, political parties and tribal chiefs; developing a roadmap to stop violence through acts of confidence building; and preparation for coming up with an agenda of negotiation with the federal government. This is vital because there are many matters where the provincial government does not have authority. This attempt may become ineffective if the establishment does not come forward with an open approach. Release of political detainees and help in locating missing individuals can be the starting moves from the establishment to convince the other side about their sincerity.
There is a need to appraise the various development projects that are announced by the federal government in Balochistan. Be it the extension of highways/railways or construction of new cantonments, the entire portfolio of development initiatives needs a careful examination. While the negotiating parties may hold on to their respective viewpoints, sustainable benefit to the people of Balochistan should be the paramount consideration for deciding the final course of action. Genuine grievances, which are becoming chronic each passing day, must be addressed on a priority basis. Limited or no access to military jobs, few options of employment in enterprises in the province and the overwhelmingly high number of non-residents are vital concerns. One must at least take a cue from the pre-partition British regime which gave a participatory role to Baloch influentials in administration and developmental works. Unless the sense of ownership in development projects is not inculcated in the Baloch people, little can be expected of the output.
The government has been accusing the Sardars for supporting the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and similar outfits. It also levies charges on the chieftains for running ferari camps in different terrains of the province. There is no denying the existence of these entities but they are effects of the simmering socio-political suffocation prevailing in Balochistan for decades. These entities cannot be taken as causes. The formation of such outfits are indicators of the fact that certain stakeholder groups have found themselves alienated from the mainstream political process. Therefore, in order to assert their position, they use their clout and capacity to pressurise the administration. In the case of the BLA, the approach of pushing it to the wall shall prove dangerous. The past experiences of dealing with the National Awami Party by the Bhutto regime and Al-Zulfikar by the Zia regime in a high-handed manner turned out to be damaging exercises. The need of the hour is to broker peace and stability by enhancing the mandate of the current provincial government.
Members of the ruling coalition must also be authorised to strike peace deals with the agitated. Space and time must be allotted without interference for this process to nurture. The format and agenda can be all-encompassing. Most controversial and delicate issues may also be brought for discussion and debate. A rising number of non-Balochis in the service cadres and property acquisition; abduction and illegal confinement of notable citizens and the commoners; development spending; provincial autonomy and re-visiting constitutional provisions; and the process of socio-political reforms in society may form a starting point. An early announcement to this effect by the government may not be out of place to show its genuine regard for the situation. It must be realised that it will be the government that shall have to take the first step. While the fear of secession of the province may be a very remote possibility as cited by some analysts, a perpetually trouble-ridden Balochistan may not be a desirable option for any regime at present and in the future.
On May 11, 2006, six policemen lost their lives in a terrorist attack on the Police Training College, Quetta. The same incident left 13 people severely injured with a fear of losing eye sights. On the same day, saboteurs blew up an important electricity installation that supplied power to Kohlu and Barakhan areas. Faction fighting is continuing in and around Dera Bugti and Sui between clans loyal to and against Nawab Akbar Bugti. While these incidents were most tragic as far as their impact was concerned, they could not be termed isolated events. Acts of violence and sabotage have marred the Balochistan scene. The use of sophisticated devices and weapons and the continuity of such acts without any break clearly suggest that the situation is much more than a conventional law and order problem. The complex inter-relations of these events with Baloch communities and the power structure render the course of events worthy of immediate attention.
