March 20, 2005

The political situation in Balochistan seems to be getting out of control. But in the tussle between the federal government and the sardars, the people of that province appear to be the real victims

THESE days, Balochistan is in the news, and the socio-political atmosphere in the province is reminiscent of the pre-1971 situation when East Pakistan was simmering with dissent. The similarities are frightening. We are under military rule as we were in the ‘70s. Insensitivity to provincial feelings and a penchant for mishandling touchy issues are quite evident. Home-grown leaders of the province, whom the “patriotic” upholders of the country’s integrity derisively call nationalists — a euphemism for traitors — have convinced their people that mega projects like the Costal Highway or Gwadar are not meant for the benefit of the people of Balochistan. This perception has given rise to a state of insurgency.

The military has its own way of thinking, which is steeped in its training, conditioning and experience. It does not change in the span of a few decades. On the contrary, it gets solidified. Two hundred words of English and four officially sanctioned ideas are the bedrock of a successful military career. According to the military any problem can be resolved by using force. While planning, the consequences can be adjusted to the wishful objective set by the institution.

Government leaders and tribal Sardars have vowed not to allow the situation of 1971 repeat itself. There is little improvement on the part of the rulers in understanding the problems confronting the province or the country. The rhetoric between military rulers and tribal leaders has provided the proverbial fuel to the raging fire. Both have said that it is not 1971, obviously drawing separate conclusions.

Balochistan has almost 50 per cent of country’s mineral resources and is inhabited by less than five per cent of Pakistan’s population. Its primitive and tribal people live in the Mahergarh (Neanderthal) age and lack basic amenities that are treated the world over as routine things. At certain places, even drinking water is not available.

Exploitation of provincial resources by the Centre has been causing anguish to the people in Balochistan. Pakistan has been hankering after foreign private investment, which seems to be only interested in exploiting gas and oil resources of the province. But it does not go down well with the tribals who claim the right to their resources and do not like their depletion for the benefit of other provinces.

And now let’s take a look at the situation in Sui. It all started with a lady medical officer employed by the Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL) at Sui who was allegedly raped between Jan 2 and 3, 2005, and according to rumours, one military officer was involved in the crime. The government tried to ignore the furor that was caused by the issue, hoping that it would melt away, but it has only grown into a PR disaster. The government belatedly admitted that a captain was under investigation. Too little, too late. A transparent inquiry at the earliest would have cleared the mystery shrouding the truth, and the rumour, if unfounded, would have saved the military the ignominy that it had to deal with. By avoiding such an inquiry the military’s image has been tarnished. Perceptions have the nasty habit of sticking. The inquiries ordered by the provincial government through a tribunal lacks credibility.

A situation of insurgency is emerging. Railway lines, power pylons and other infrastructure are being routinely blown up. To compound the calumny of man, nature has also joined in. A couple of dams and major parts of the recently built Costal Highway have been washed away by the heavy downpour. The highway was constructed by the FWO. Billions of rupees flowed into the sea. Tsunami did not hit Balochistan, though. Perhaps the quality of construction or siting of bridges, or both, were not up to scratch. Contracts are routinely awarded to the FWO, without any bidding taking place, not unlike Halliburton, which is US favourite for all mega contracts in Iraq meant only to rip off that unfortunate country. Rupees10 billion were spent on the Mekran Coastal Road, which could not withstand the first heavy rains.

It is so easy for the government to blame the Sardar for the mess. In the public mind it appears as if Akbar Bugti is the chief ‘problem’ and once he is out of the way, things will be hunky-dory. In fact, the real problem is the lack of democracy. The denial of a sense of participation to the people of Balochistan lies at the heart of the matter. Since the people of Balochistan exercise no control over their resources, they are upset. Gas mines in Pakistan were first discovered in Sui, when many people had not even heard of it, so much so that a lot of people routinely used Sui as a term synonymous with natural gas. This gas discovered in the ‘60s is used in the kitchens in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad, but eludes Sui itself. The area continues to remain in a state of extreme under-development. Once you reach the PPL colony near Sui, you will notice it is an island of civilization with the sea of Stone Age wilderness surrounding it. That bothers local people. They see the stark contrast. Employment opportunities are not extended to the locals and they have to remain content with crumbs like a job of a chowkidar or a peon.

However, the Sardars are a different matter. The OGDC has three operating fields in Dera Bugti, which are under the influence of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. They are Pirkoh, Loti and Uch. Since the inception of operations, Nawab has been paid as much as Rs660m by the OGDC alone as rental for land, charges for water and sand/bajri. The annual rental for three fields is different, which is paid annually and for the year 2005 reached Rs80m. The latest rate of land rent is Rs17,136 per acre for a cultivated land and Rs8,568 per acre for a barren land. The PPL has also been paying a certain amount in order to carry out work in its fields. How much of it goes into alleviating the pain of the people? Nothing.

Under an agreement signed between the GOP and Nawab Bugti’s representatives on Dec 14, 2001, there are also indirect benefits for the Nawab. All employment of the locals is done through the Nawab, that is, he nominates the persons to be employed. All transport is to be hired through the contractors who are his men. Similarly, all contracts for civil works and supply are given to the locals that front for the Nawab.

The price of gas at the well-head is another sore point because it has been arbitrarily fixed quite low to deny legitimate royalty to the provincial government. The claim of the present government that is has poured huge funds into Balochistan by way of developing mega projects including Gwadar Port, the Coastal Highway and few dams, makes no impression on the people of Balochistan. The projects are useless, because the people of the province have not been consulted in planning, conceiving or implementing them, and more importantly these projects have no spill-over effects as far as the local population is concerned. The people would rather have roads, electricity, schools, hospitals, and drinking water facilities in their area. The mega projects yield benefits to the rest of the country, but do not touch even the fringes of Balochistan.

Then there is the international factor. Gwadar Port is being developed with full assistance from the Chinese. There was a recent report in the American press expressing concern over the Chinese interest in some ports including Gwadar. It was suggested that the Chinese were trying to seek bases all along the oil route.

Also, there are people in the White House who are all for military action against Iran. If Seymour M. Hersh is to be believed, preparations for invading Iran are afoot. According to Bush at war by Woodward, similar secret preparations were ordered for Iraq before its invasion. The operation is being kept secret even from the regional military command. According to Hersh, one former high-level intelligence official told him that an American commando task force has been set up in South Asia and is now working closely with a group of Pakistani scientists and technicians who had dealt with their Iranian counterparts in the past. Aided by Pakistan, the American task force has been penetrating into eastern Iran from Afghanistan in their hunt for underground installations. The arrangement between Gen Musharraf and the American government is: “Tell us what you know about Iran and we will let your A. Q. Khan guys go.” Pakistan appears to be slipping from its privileged position of the most allied ally in the war against terrorism. India is getting into that position and the Americans are offering it Patriot missiles, placing Pakistan at a considerable disadvantage.

There was also a report published in a journal under the caption US digs in deeper in Afghanistan. According to it, the Americans are building a new base in Herat in Afghanistan to encircle Iran. “A request for a Nato logistics hub in Karachi has already been conveyed to Pakistan.”

Non-Nato ally status does not come for free. There is always a price to pay. Within the next few weeks a decision will have to be taken. Such a decision will be highly unpopular and may result in street protests in the country. That is where Balochistan would offer a tempting target for international intrigue.

Despite having the biggest arsenal of aerial power, “US troops on the ground” are a sine qua non for any operation. Here, Pakistan figures high in the scheme of things. If Pakistan refuses to provide bases for fear of public reaction, what prevents Baloch leadership from entering into an arrangement with the Americans to provide them bases in consideration for an independent Balochistan. And the Americans will have an easy time establishing bases in such a vast expanse of land with so little population. And who knows, Balochistan might emerge as another Dubai in the future! After all, devolution has its advantages. When the people take charge of their problems they can do wonders. The Americans will have their bases and in the process would displace the Chinese from Gwadar. How neat?

Dr Abul Maali Syed predicted this 13 years ago while writing about Balochistan in the year 2006 in his book, The Twin Era of Pakistan: Democracy and Dictatorship, published by the New York-based Vantage Press Inc: “Who would have believed that Balochistan, once the least populated and poorest province of unified Pakistan, would become independent and the third richest oil-producing country after Saudi Arabia and Kuwait?”

The prime minister, with indeed a heavy mandate, tried for the first time in Pakistan’s history, to involve nationalist forces in the mainstream, which appeared to be the purpose of his recent visit to the province. Mr Bugti hosted a very spicy lunch. He also offered a carved stick as a present to the prime minister and called one of his underlings to present it to him. One missed the significance of the gesture. It was only later that the chief minister told this writer that Mr Bugti had not treated the prime minister as his equal and that is why he had his underling present the stick to him. The poor PM did not seem to take note of the gesture.

Mr Nawaz Sharif’s policy of involving nationalist leadership in the mainstream proved short-lived. He could not withstand the military’s pressure when it demanded the ouster of chief minister Akhtar Mengal because of his statement that all Balochistan got from the Centre was nuclear explosions conducted in its territory. Mr Mengal is a witty person. When asked some months earlier that Islamabad was reportedly looking for someone from Balochistan to be appointed president of Pakistan, he asked why would they look for someone to be the president when they could not find someone for the office of the governor of Balochistan? Mr Tarar was eventually appointed as president.

Add to all of this the sinister role of intelligence agencies. They play their little games in the tribal territory to their heart’s content. They roused the Kalpars — a sub-tribe of the Bugtis — to rebel against their Sardar. As long as Benazir Bhutto was prime minister, there was full might of the state to bear on Mr Bugti and the Kalpars seemed to have a good time. But as soon as her government was overthrown, Mr Bugti was back in the saddle. Now was the time for the Kalpars to pay a heavy price for their temerity. Having lost few scores of their people, they are now living in permanent exile under miserable circumstances in areas near Multan. Their lives were spared only after the tribe made an abject submission to a “Mair’ that included womenfolk. Similar games are played by the agencies in the Marri areas.

Now, we come to the provincial government. Balochistan is a massively mismanaged province. An incorrigibly incompetent chief minister is heading the provincial government, who happens to be the choice of the agencies. There is virtually no government in Quetta. Hence the provincial mess has compounded the central one. It is not only the poorest province in the country, but also has the largest percentage of poor people living inside it. Out of 10 least poor cities in Pakistan, Quetta is the only city from Balochistan on the list.

What Balochistan needs is the appointment of a chief minister, who should be competent and honest. Such people are available even among the politicians. The CM must have full control over administrative affairs, including the Frontier Constabulary, Coast Guards and the police.

The people in Islamabad and their local agents make all the decisions on behalf of Balochistan. The people of Balochistan have two problems on top of their list. One is the lack of electricity, and the other is oppression at the hands of the Frontier Constabulary. Several years back, an FC officer murdered an innocent civilian, while the latter was travelling on a pick up truck. When I asked the major why he killed him, he countered me by saying what else would he do when the driver wouldn’t stop? They are almost an occupation force. There are 36,000 troops under FC command in Balochistan. Legally, under the deputy commissioner, they seek orders only from the military hierarchy. All officers are seconded from the army and jawans hail from the NWFP. They have established a parallel government and do not spare even the chief justice of the High Court and stop his car for checking. Their main interest lies in rendering anti-smuggling services. The custom department has been marginalized.

As far as the people are concerned, they are at the receiving end both from the government and their Sardars. The government, most of the time, has been in cahoots with the Sardars at the expense of the people. The interests of the government and the Sardars converge and those of the people diverge by a wide margin. The Sardars use the government and tribal resources, but the people get nothing. There is an impression that the federal government doesn’t want tribal disputes to be settled so that they can fish in the troubled waters.

The lack of political participation in the process is compounded by denying the people of Balochistan due representation in federal bureaucracy. The representation of original residents of Balochistan in federal services is also very low. People with fake domiciles have important jobs and pretend to represent the province. So much so that Balochistan has not been allowed to send its representative to the National Finance Commission. One was located in Punjab. The next chief justice of Pakistan will be from Balochistan and he will be there for almost a decade because of his age. This may provide some comfort to the people of Balochistan. But will it?

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