THE Northern Areas of Pakistan seem to be again simmering with socio-political tension in the wake of the recent syllabus row. The picturesque north of the country contains all the ingredients of a complete economy. It also has all the features needed to boost tourism and international trade with China. Sadly, not only does it lack the needed infrastructure, but the overdue government patronage is also not there. As a result, the region and its populace are faced with socio-political and economic odds, with abject poverty and unemployment making the lives of the people difficult with every passing day.
The deep-rooted sectarianism and ethnic polarization are other discords that affect our society. Furthermore, what widens the gulf is the fact that the area and its people literally have no representation in the affairs of the state and are ‘governed’ through old colonial laws to this day.
The region known as the Northern Areas of Pakistan is not considered a Pakistani territory, even by the government of Pakistan, and will remain so until the issue of Jammu and Kashmir is resolved with India. It is part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir and its real name is Gilgit and Baltistan. It is unfortunate that this vast area of Gilgit and Baltistan, which is spread over more than 72,000 square kilometres with a population of around two million, is administratively cut off from Azad Kashmir. Here varied ethnic groups such as the Baltis, Shinas, Vashkuns, Mughals, Kashmiris, Pathans, Ladhakhis and Turks inhabit the region, who speak a variety of languages like Balti, Shina, Brushaski, Khawer, Wakhi, Turki, Tibeti, Pushto and Urdu.
The region is split into five districts known as Gilgit, Skardu, Diamir, Ghizer and Ghanche. This area has always been governed directly from Islamabad through an appointed chief secretary who is the ‘law’ in his own right as he is aided by the colonial Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) laws. In many cases his decision is final, as there is no judicial system in place to challenge his authority.
Although there is a Northern Areas Council to regulate local affairs of the area, the local people believe it to be just a “rubber stamp” and just another instrument to oppress and control the people of this region. Apart from the chief secretary and a minister for the Northern Areas and Kashmir Affairs, there are six officers, who sit in Islamabad. All these people are non-locals, including the judicial commissioner against whose judgments no one can appeal.
The people of this area have not been granted any civil, human and constitutional rights, nor do they have due representation in the legislature. Furthermore, they do not have the right to vote for their member in the national legislature.
The area remains largely neglected having no university or professional colleges to educate the local people. The inhabitants of the region rely heavily on the tourism industry to earn a living as there is no other proper industry functioning. The region’s sustenance largely hinges on the community-based economic ventures such as farming, schooling, transportation, catering services and tourism.
The private sector is almost non-existent, whereas the government’s presence on the socio-economic canvas is almost ceremonial. However, different NGOs are seen making efforts by coming up with projects ranging from birth control programmes to laying down infrastructure for education and health. Nonetheless, the locals believe even the NGOs have been marginalized with the passage of time and lack strong social current to groom the backward society. The government’s faulty policies regarding trade and tourism sectors have diverted economic activities and tourists and mountaineers now prefer to go to Nepal rather than being stuck in the region with no infrastructure.
Amidst all this, many movements expressing dissent have emerged. The lack of political representation has strengthened the demand for both formal inclusion in the Pakistani state as well as for self-determination.
On June 3, 2004, agitated by the contentious and controversial sections in the textbooks prescribed for the state-run schools, protesters of the Shia community in Gilgit — that are in majority in the Northern Areas — clashed with troops, during a curfew that had been imposed in the city’s municipal limits. The clash caused a number of casualties on both sides.
Intolerance and unwillingness to accept criticism has now become a part of the Northern Areas’ culture. Political parties, advocating either self-rule or greater political representation within Pakistan, have more often than not found their leaders being subjected to arbitrary arrest and long prison terms.
Authorities and locals are apprehensive of a geographical spread of the sectarian divide, with the possibility of militants groups, some with international connections, fishing in troubled waters in the Northern Areas.
Many believe the curriculum row is just the tip of iceberg in the Northern Areas of Pakistan. Even if the matter gets resolved amicably and to the satisfaction of all communities, it is unlikely to provide a permanent solution, and would only further aggravate the issue of sectarianism.
The roots of the problem lie in the Pakistani state’s pre-occupation with the entire process of ad-hocism, as also in the “disengagement” of the Northern Areas, a region that remains deeply neglected and that has been denied a political identity.
THE Northern Areas of Pakistan seem to be again simmering with socio-political tension in the wake of the recent syllabus row. The picturesque north of the country contains all the ingredients of a complete economy. It also has all the features needed to boost tourism and international trade with China. Sadly, not only does it lack the needed infrastructure, but the overdue government patronage is also not there. As a result, the region and its populace are faced with socio-political and economic odds, with abject poverty and unemployment making the lives of the people difficult with every passing day.
