May 11, 2008

EVER since its birth in 1971, Bangladesh has been dogged by misfortunes, the more serious and enduring of them being man-made. It has witnessed the assassinations of two presidents, and a couple of coups. It has experienced presidential and parliamentary systems of government as well as authoritarian rule by generals, Ziaur Rahman and Ershad, who launched their own political parties namely the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the Jatiyo Party (JP).

Since 1991 the country has been ruled by elected governments, alternating between the BNP and Awami League (AL); the former headed by Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, the latter by Shiekh Hasina, daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But democracy has seen the eruption of widespread violence and terrorism, adding a new dimension to the problems of burgeoning corruption and poverty. The political atmosphere remains charged by extreme polarisation and the differences are so radical that reconciliation is almost impossible.

Faced by this bleak scenario a group of Bangladesh scholars founded the Bangladesh Development Initiative (BDI), a ‘US-based think-tank of scholars and professionals devoted to the generation and dissemination of knowledge on development issues pertinent to Bangladesh,’ which also publishes the Journal of Bangladesh Studies.

Thirteen articles selected from the journal, have now been presented in the form a book titled Political Culture in Bangladesh. The writers are not only eminent scholars but also indigenous, having first-hand knowledge of events as well as access to the mindsets of the key players. The book, with its holistic approach, therefore offers an authentic and intimate insight into the history, politics and economy of Bangladesh.

To trace the causes of the malaise and suggest remedy, the writers have incisively analysed every twist and turn in the country’s political evolution so the essays are extremely thought-provoking. They contain ideas about Bangladesh’s political culture, approaches to institution building, challenges to democratisation, issues of leadership and legitimacy, and reconciliation between warring political rivals. Other articles relate to the political economy of formulating national budgets, sustainable development, and effects of political instability on domestic savings, Indo-Bangladesh relations and the issue of the Biharis.

Nurul Islam, with the help of illustrations, distinguishes the effects of economic development under democratic and authoritarian regimes; one enduring, the other often transitory. Another point he makes is that only education can generate highly-organised public opinion in favour of civilian control over the army and educating the JCOs and NCOs can effectively dissuade the military from intervening. Zillur R. Khan’s ideas of Multilateral Assurance for Peace (MAP) for regional cooperation and the importance of ‘Time Rules’ for a democratic dispensation deserve deep reflection. Rahman Subhan records a novel experience as member of a group of neutral intellectuals who voluntarily attempt to mediate between the two warring political leaders, and fail. Saad Andaleeb undertakes a survey of the urban elite of Dhaka City, to evaluate the image and performance of politicians among the educated class. Because it is public opinion that ultimately confers political legitimacy, the results of the study are extremely illuminating. While Syed ur Rahman highlights the importance of, what he calls, ‘the phenomenon of by-pass,’ in forcing the political system ‘to seek consent from the people,’ as well as the advantage of a non-party caretaker government to conduct elections.

The paper titled ‘Aspirations and Realities’ traces the history of political aspirations of the people of Bangladesh and the realities of political developments from as far back as 1947 to the present day, with a detailed discussion on the role of caretaker governments.Three articles, respectively, on national budget and public spending patterns, political economy and sustainable development, and effects of political instability on domestic savings rate, though Bangladesh-specific, are highly educative. The first is an insightful analysis of public expenditure. The second concludes with the remark that ‘neither privatisation nor decentralisation as outlined (in the article) would be politically feasible, particularly in the short run: education reform is therefore, the only feasible option.’ The third is a specialised study showing that political instability adversely affects domestic savings, which fall with foreign aid inflow and rise with export earnings and remittances from abroad. Of the two articles relating to Indo-Bangladesh relations, one discusses their entire gamut while the other is devoted to an in-depth analysis of the Indo-Bangladesh Friendship Treaty. Even the Bihari question, that enduring legacy of Bengali resistance to Pakistan’s military action, has been dealt with in the essay, ‘The Forgotten Biharis.’ The issue and its possible solutions have been discussed objectively with all the pros and cons.

The articles reflect a high level of scholarship and an objective approach. A.M.A. Muhith’s essay ‘On Good Governance’ is the only exception. It reads much like a propaganda piece written in his capacity as ‘member of Awami League Advisory Council.’ Due to the fiery fulminations against the BNP, the essay on an important topic has degenerated into a sheer rant, while his strong bias towards secular fundamentalism and vengeful attitude towards the Jamaat-i-Islami, which he recommends be banned, tends to dilute the impact even of some useful suggestions for good governance.

The book is invaluable as a source of authentic indigenous material for academicians and students alike. At the same time nations facing similar challenges as Bangladesh, such as Pakistan for example, should find much in it for their guidance.
 

Political Culture in Bangladesh: Perspectives and analyses — Selections from the Journal of Bangladesh Studies
Edited by Syed Saad Andaleeb
The University Press Limited, Dhaka
ISBN 984-05-1782-1
400pp. $36.00