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December 5, 2004
REVIEWS: Political parties of Pakistan
Governance in Pakistan has remained mainly in the hands of three groups: the politicians, the civil bureaucracy and the military bureaucracy. In fact, except for a few years in the beginning and for a brief period in the 1970s, politicians have either been completely out of power or, even if they held power, they worked under the shadow of the bureaucracy, civil or military.
The book under review includes an introduction of around two dozen political parties of Pakistan, their manifestoes and other related documents. Professor Muhammad Usman began compiling the book during ther 1980s. After his death the work was completed by Masood Ashar, a senior journalist, who revised and updated it in 2003.
The compilers believe that political parties exist in such large numbers because the democratic process was interrupted very often and elections were not held regularly. If the process had continued uninterrupted, many of the parties could have been eliminated after rejection at the polls. Another reason for this large number seems to be the tendency among our senior politicians, who find it difficult to reconcile with party discipline, to have their own political parties where they might enjoy unlimited freedom for manouvoring. This has also resulted in the splitting up of some of the major parties including the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) into factions each of which, though claiming to be the real party, takes up a different political course.
The feeling, that political parties are least bothered about their manifestoes once they are in government, is confirmed largely by going through their manifestoes collected in the book, and comparing them with their performance while in power. For instance, the PML said in its manifesto of January 1986 that legal cover would be provided for protecting women’s rights and that legislation would also be undertaken to eliminate traditions and customs that might be in contradiction to ‘human dignity’ and the rights given to the women by Islam.
Further, the PPP too had promised ‘equal rights for women’ in a 1967 document and had declared in its 1993 manifesto that the Hudood Ordinance and other legislation against women would be repealed. Also, new laws would be framed to prevent exploitation of women and excesses of any kind against them. These two parties ruled the country for more than a decade during the 1980s and the 1990s, but despite numerous cases of ‘honour killing’ of women and ‘karo kari’ murders during their regimes, no law was made to prevent or discourage such practices.
Similarly, the entirely un-Islamic custom of the ‘marriage’ of women with the Holy Quran, which aims at depriving women of their share in inheritance and also prevents them from leading a normal life, continues to be practised unchecked. The Hudood Ordinance too still remains intact.
The compilers of the book maintain that though the Muslim League had put up a remarkable fight resulting in the creation of Pakistan, it was this party which was responsible for the derailment of democracy in the country and the takeover of the government by the bureaucracy. They believe that there was a dearth of leadership in the PML after the demise of the Quaid-i-Azam and Liaquat Ali Khan. Those who subsequently held power were ‘overwhelmed by the abundance of resources’ and became engaged in amassing personal wealth. They failed to provide strong leadership that could help establish democratic traditions.
According to their assessment, the PPP created an awakening among the downtrodden who for the first time realized their power. But evaluating Z.A.Bhutto, they write: “Emotionally he was a Muslim, intellectually a socialist and temperamentally a feudal lord. In the long run, the temperament got hold of the man.”
In the opinion of the compilers, the Jama’at-i-Islami, though unable to win many votes, has been committed to an ideology and happens to be the best organized party. But they feel that the Jama’at never displayed political foresight. It failed to see that Pakistan was soon to become a reality and kept aloof from the movement. It was again unable to foresee when East Pakistan was on the course to separation due to dictatorial handling of affairs by Ayub and Yahya and it also failed to see through the drama of Islamization during the Zia regime. They also consider the Jama’at’s reaction to the Geneva Accord on Afghanistan as questionable.
The book describes the Tahreek-i-Istaqlal as a party which believes in principles and does not hanker for power. The Tahreek is working to educate the people on various issues through pamphlets, newspaper articles and books. Its role in the opposition during the regimes of Z.A.Bhutto and Ziaul Haq has also been commended.
The Muttahida Qaumi Mahaz (MQM) has, according to the editors, demonstrated that the unprivileged middle class too can send its representatives to the legislatures if they are well organized. Pakistan has been ruled so far, under both civilian and military regimes, by the privileged class which forms only two per cent of the population and possesses a retrogressive outlook and an exploitative nature. The MQM has succeeded in the urban areas of Sindh but now it wants to spread its ideology to other parts of the country and that is why it is being maligned and opposed vehemently, says the book.
The book gives ample coverage to religion-based, leftist and the regional parties as well. It makes interesting reading for anyone interested in the country’s politics and can also serve as a reference book.
Pakistan Ki Siyasi Jama’atein
Compiled by Prof Muhammad Usman and Masood Ashar
Sang-e-Meel Publications, 25 Shahrah-i-Pakistan, Lahore
Tel: 042-7220100
Email: smp@sang-e-meel.com
ISBN 969 35 1559 5
880pp. Rs1500
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