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October 17, 2004
REVIEW: Learning from neighbours
THOUGH the title of the book promises an exploration into the impact of the Iranian revolution on the world, the work mainly examines the circumstances that heralded the change. Our rulers must read it as the socio-econo-political conditions which incited the Iranian masses to challenge the fascist regime of Raza Shah Pehalvi, and defeat it, are also very imminent in Pakistan. It sheds light on the reasons behind the anti-imperialist character of the revolution and the nature of the regime.
As described in the research work, during the Shah’s rule, the oil-rich Iran was considered one of the most unequal societies in the world in terms of resource distribution. In the decade of 1950-60, 20 per cent of the urban elitist families spent 51.7 per cent of the total national spending, while the poor spent only 4.7 per cent. At the time of the revolution in 1979, 42 per cent families in the capital city of Tehran lived in single-room houses while the small aristocracy enjoyed a luxurious lifestyle.
The urban areas had the bulk of the development uplift projects while the rural areas, where the majority of the population lived, remained neglected. As a result there was a huge flow of people migrating to urban areas due to lack of basic amenities available in the countryside.
Though the country forged ahead to so-called advancement, as its oil production, GNP and per capita income kept on increasing, and its industrialization and infrastructure development was enhanced, the benefit of development did not trickle down to the masses. This produced frustration and anger among them.
Its institutions failed to impart quality education and as a result, well-paid jobs were grabbed by foreigners or natives with foreign degrees. It created resentment among students and the educated people. Similarly, priority given to foreign concerns and professionals in oil industry, mega projects and government-controlled communication sector also created indignation among local professionals and intensified the people’s anger against foreign bounty hunters who had been dominating and exploiting even the local carpet industry.
The Shah disliked traditional traders, who were also money lenders, due to their political character. He launched an aggressive campaign against them on the pretext of an action taken against profiteers. He also pitted banks and modern business institutions against them and brought into existence a new trading class of the super rich.
The authoritative political system denied the people any role in decision making and even an opportunity to vent their feelings against the system. Nevertheless, the Shah had to face a consistent anti-monarchy/imperialism struggle which had begun as far back as the 19th century with a movement against monopoly of foreigners on cultivation and trade of tobacco. After failing to subdue the people through martial law and on the advice of his foreign supporters, he began flirting with the idea of democracy. He created a couple of political parties but the political process resulted in Dr Musaddiq’s coming into power. The nationalist prime minister, with the help of the parliament, curtailed the Shah’s powers, nationalized the oil industry and finally forced the king to leave Iran.
But the monarch managed to return within a few days, courtesy an international conspiracy having the support of the Iranian army chief. After his return, the Shah banned all the political parties and replaced them with a couple of his own puppets which were later merged into a single party. Time and again, he continued crushing his political opponents on a massive scale.
In 1970, there were more than 100,000 political activists in Iran and most of them had to face barbaric torture committed by the notorious intelligence agency, Savak. But this failed to subdue the activists, masses and their leaders who, after an untiring struggle of 38 years, succeeded in overthrowing one of the oldest and mightiest monarchies of the modern era and force the disgraced Shah to flee from the country in 1979.
The revolution brought home a leading dissident, Ayatollah Khomeini, from exile in France and he founded the first Shia government in world history. It was a defeat not only for the Shah and his western supporters but also of an hitherto dominating Shia school of thought, which, due to centuries of prosecution of their sect in the Islamic world, has been advocating separation of faith and governance.
According to the book’s author, Professor (Dr) Mirza Askari Hussain, the revolution established that Islam is not an outdated religion but a complete code of life, encompassing every area of national policy making, including governance, and compatible with contemporary conditions. He discloses with the help of facts and figures that the public welfare-based Islamic government of Iran has started changing the pattern of resource distribution to the benefit of the under-privileged.
But he insists that the revolution is a continuing process and it still has to achieve its final goal: an ideal state striking a balance between social justice and economic/political freedom. He also advocates an end to the isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the international comity.
However, the book, which is actually a PhD thesis, ignores the role of the leftist and democratic forces in the resistance against the monarchy. Similarly, it fails to mention persecution of the secular forces, particularly of the Hizb-i-Tudeh (communist party) by the theocratic regime. The Khomeini government managed to do what even the Shah could not have done: the elimination of political opposition. But there is no mention of it or the mass migration of liberal Iranians because of the forced Islamization of the Iranian society which, on the contrary, is presented as a voluntary process in the book. Thus the work fails to present an objective study of the revolution and instead adopts a laudatory approach.
The author supplements his work with extensive references and a bibliography ranging from the Holy Quran and religious books to the works of western critics. However, his account lacks coherence and teems with repetitions. Crisp editing could have made the book more reader-friendly.
Inqilab-i-Iran ke Asarat
By Prof (Dr) Mirza Askari Hussain
Zar Afshan Askari, Phase #3, W-3, Haroon City, Gulistan-i-Jauhar, Block 17, Karachi
456pp. Rs250
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