August 15, 2004

Bill Clinton is a product of the American dream. From the 16th century onwards, downtrodden and ambitious Europeans made their way to the potentially rich land of the Americas. The early US capitalist economy was built on slave labour in the south, and ruthless robber barons from the northeast utilizing every opportunity, established the industrial and political empire. Later in the 20th century, immigrants from all over the world entered the dreamland.

The American dream has been described as a personal odyssey from rag to riches with the sky as the limit. The Americans who are always in search of making history were reminded by a British politician scholar, that the United States was rich in geography, but short of history. Clinton, who is the product of this dream, has written a biography of a 1000 pages about his first 58 years. It may not make history. It is more likely to be classified as the confessions of a romantic American politician whose dream of becoming President came true.

Clinton experienced many hardships in the early years of life, growing up in the small and poor Arkansas state. These difficult times, however, proved to be an asset when he won a Rhodes scholarship to Oxford. His undergraduate degree from Georgetown and law from Yale worked all in favour of an early political junkie, eventually becoming the governor of Arkansas and the president of the USA. In the process, he also made friends with some trendy and ambitious intellectuals of the sixties generation, including his wife Hillary from his days at law school. Only history will judge if she made him the presidential type, or the other way round, now that Hillary is aspiring for the White House as the first woman president of the United States.

There are four parts to Clinton’s life story: personal, local, national and international. He claims to have made a great difference in all areas from the day he entered the political arena during his high school days. There was no stopping after that, as he plunged himself into the debates which surrounded the American economy, politics and society. The reality of the presidential power in the United States has changed over the past few decades. Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon had self-propelled energies with a national and international agenda, using the power of the presidency to achieve those goals.

Jimmy Carter was soft and an internally focused religious personality who could not work with the highly charged Washington politicians, at national and international level. Reagan and Bush Senior were the two presidents, driven by multinationals, with a focused agenda of America as the oil light of the world. They used rhetoric of freedom and democracy to create US hegemony, declaring it as God’s will against the designated ‘evil’ enemies.

Clinton achieved high educational goals, at Georgetown University, winning the Rhodes scholarship, and then Yale Law School. He grew politically in the 1970’s and 1980’s with no agenda except picking up clichis of the time, pretending to be ‘progressive’ and maneouvring local Arkansas politics.

With the help of FOB — the friends of Bill, learning the mechanics of electioneering in winning Arkansas governorship and finally the US presidency. His victory as president twice was irritating for the neo-conservatives who were waiting in the wings from Goldwater’s days to achieve total control of national and international economies, through the shadowy presidential figures.

In the first term, Clinton was driven by a progressive agenda on healthcare and education, learnt from his Arkansas experiences and helped by his law college friend and later, his wife, Hillary. His agenda was unsuccessful because playing games in politics was very different from fighting against a multinational lobby in the social and political economy.

The success that he claims of having achieved, namely, expanded employment and inflation control, was more globally driven. Similarly, international events provided him the limelight, which he took as an opportunity to gain influence, whether it was in Bosnia or Indo-Pakistan relations.

For instance, he records how Pakistan’s problem with India came right on his lap without his fully grasping the intricate post-imperial politics in the subcontinent. On July 4, 1999 Nawaz Sharif pleaded for help from his administration against India which seemed inclined to go for all out war because of Kargil’s adventures by the Pakistan military high command. Clinton records: “Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan called and asked if he could come to Washington on July 4 to discuss the dangerous standoff with India that had begun several weeks earlier when Pakistani forces under the command of General Musharraf crossed the Line of Control. Sharif was concerned that the situation Pakistan had created was getting out of control, and he hoped to use my good offices not only to resolve the crisis but also to help mediate with the Indians on the question of Kashmir itself.” (p.864)

Clinton discouraged Sharif but he wanted to come anyway. After the meeting, Clinton realized that Sharif was on shaky ground at home. Clinton wanted him to survive because “I needed his cooperation in the fight against terrorism”.

When it comes to Musharraf, he has some interesting observations. Later, the same year, on October 12, when Musharraf took over power through a military coup, Clinton records: “I was concerned about the loss of democracy, and urged the restoration of civilian rule as soon as possible. Musharraf’s ascendancy had one immediate consequence; the programme to send Pakistani commandos into Afghanistan to catch or kill Osama bin Laden was cancelled.”(p.873)

Later, he changes his tone. In describing his visit to Pakistan during 2000, shrouded with mystery, he writes: “in my meetings with Musharraf, I saw he had emerged from the complex, and often violent culture of Pakistan politics. He was clearly intelligent, strong, and sophisticated. When Musharraf began serious cooperation with the United States in the war against terror after September 11, 2001, it remained a risky course for him”.

Clinton’s notes on the Indian subcontinent confirmed that Pakistan for him and the United States remained an “instrument” of their foreign designs, for utilizing it as a front-line state, and not any benevolence for the people. His anecdotes on international affairs, and the debates leading to his impeachment for the Monica Lewinsky affair are not revealing. These stories have been well recorded in the media in every format.

Finally, Clinton is conscious of how history will remember him. He accepts that it was only American circumstances, which made him, and concludes:

“As improbable as my life has been, it would have been impossible anywhere but America. I think it’s a good story, and I ‘ve had a good time telling it.”

Will Clinton’s memoirs remain a story of an America dream? Or could have turned into a nightmare given the unusual circumstances faced by Clinton? Only could have turned it into a nightmare, only time will tell. In his interviews, promoting the book, he is anxiously waiting for the historians’ verdict.

Bill Clinton: My Life
Alfred A. Knopf. Available with Mr Books, 10-D Super Market, Islamabad. Tel: 051-2278843-5
Email: mrbooks@isb.comsats.net.pk
Website: www.mrbooks.com.pk
ISBN 0-09-179527-3
957 + xlii pp. Rs1,495

Please Visit our Sponsor (Ads open in separate window)