November 30, 2003

These are the most critical times in the history of India. Consider this: the RSS-led Hindu fanatics have communalized the multi-ethnic and multi-religious Indian society — so much so that relations between the Hindu and the Muslim communities are at an all time low since Partition. Constant communal riots especially in the last two decades have ghettoized large chunks of Indian Muslims, the second largest Muslim community in the world. At least, 5,000 Muslims have lost their lives in Bombay and Gujarat since the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. Thousands of Muslims who fled their homes during the riots are still homeless. Other religious minorities, such as the Christians and the Sikhs, are not spared either. Nehruvian secularism appears to be dead.

And this is not all. Behind the glittering facade of the fast growing economy, the IT boom and modern cities in India lies squalor and poverty. Over 300 million Indians are living below the poverty line. They are worse than the poorest of the poor. The 200 million plus consumers are so consumed with consumerism that they are least bothered about the BJP government’s politics of fascism which is eating into the body politic of the so-called largest secular democracy of the world.

What is more harrowing is the grimmer prospect of India without a strong Left. The Congress, which ruled India for 40 years and picked up votes from the minorities in the name of secularism, has for all practical purposes lost its popularity in many of the Indian states. Only the National Human Rights Commission, foreign human rights bodies and some journalists are putting up resistance to the right-wing government.

However, RSS’s fascist Hindutva onslaught is mainly directed against the Muslims for a number of reasons. “The status of the Muslim minority has been affected by the pre-independence communal divide, the Partition that allowed half of the Indian Muslims to create Pakistan in the majority areas, the wars with Pakistan, and the fear aroused by the demand of the Jammu and Kashmir Muslim majority for self-determination.

“Despite the efforts of the pre-BJP governments to meet the demands of the Muslim community, especially in educational institutions and state employment, and the election of two Muslims as the heads of state (and now BJP has added a third), it suffered discrimination at the hands of both the administration and non-state elements. It was difficult to erase the public image of the Indian Muslims being more loyal to Pakistan than to their own country,” writes I.A. Rehman, director, HRCP, in a paper, “Minorities in South Asia”, published in the bumper issue of Muslim India, a journal of research, documentation and reference.

The issue under review combines seven months (from January to July 2003) and is the first since its closure last December after being continuously published for 20 years.

How can the BJP, which is running a coalition government at the centre, continue to turn India into a fascist state and the Muslims into ‘new untouchables’? “The Hindutva offensive tries to cleverly masquerade its role in the pogroms on Muslims. This is possible because of a clear division of labour between ‘father’ (RSS) and different ‘sons’ and ‘daughters’ of this ‘privar’.

RSS trains the cadre in ideology, BJP plays this game on the political chessboard, VHP gives an emotive touch to the communal project by roping in the Saints, Mahants and the NRI’s, and the Bajran Dal translates it into street violence,” writes R.R. Puniyahni in his well-researched paper, “Hindutva Offensive Social Roots: Characterization”, carried by the journal.

One myth after another is being woven to deflect the economic deprivation of the poor on to the Muslims. A graver apprehension among many Hindus is that Muslims insist on their legal right to polygamy with a view to outnumbering Hindus. But Balraj Puri, in his article, “Muslim Personal Law: Uniformity vs. Reform”, says: “The first premise of the apprehension that legal provision for polygamy automatically leads to its practice is not substantiated by statistical studies.”

According to a 1974 report of the National Commission on Women, polygamy is more prevalent among non-Muslims than Muslims.” It is also a false impression that most Hindus are unemployed because of the Muslims. “According to the 1981 census,” I. A. Rehman writes, “the share of Muslims in central government jobs was 4.41 per cent (their largest share 5.12 per cent was in class IV employees, and it declined in higher classes — 4.41 per cent in class III, 3 per cent in class II and 1.6 per cent in class I).” Similarly, the BJP government is having history textbooks rewritten to spread hatred against the Muslims.

This issue of Muslim India is, therefore, a worthwhile read which records the above-mentioned facts on the conditions of Indian Muslims and the BJP’s fascist onslaught on them. However, the journal is lacking in two respects. First, it fails to take into account the role of the Muslim community leaders in the political life of India. Second, it says virtually nothing about the present economic conditions of the Muslims, nor does it help the readers determine whether or not the community is making any efforts to make progress in the fields of education, science and technology, trade and industry.

Muslim India — Journal of Research, Documentation and Reference (Vol. 21 Nos. 1-7)
Edited by Zafarul-Islam Khan
Translated from Urdu by N. Ansari
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