December 8, 2002

This book By Khaled Ahmed consists of 34 chapters divided into four sections: army, security, ideology and society. The chapters read as if they were written on separate occasions as articles in the press though this is not mentioned specifically.

The author deals with the thorny issue of the army with great insight and knowledge. He tells us that the army has become dominant is Pakistan primarily because of the status of permanent confrontation with India. The army has a vested interest in this confrontation because it ensures the continued public and state support, and hence the hegemony, of the army. Under General Zia the army also declared itself to be the guardian of the ideology of the state.

Ideology, like the army, is also a thorny subject and in the chapter “Safeguarding ideology ‘within or without’ Pakistan”, the writer tells us how Pakistan’s ideology is interpreted differently by different powerful groups or personalities. However, because one can be persecuted (as well as prosecuted in a court of law) for being against the ideology, the freedom of expression necessary in a liberal democratic culture is not created.

Since the army, like the politicians and the religious lobby, claims to guard this ideology, it too thinks it can legitimately remove governments and persecute dissidents. Khaled Ahmed then goes on to tell us how this ideology became more and more Islamicized, especially during the Zia era, so that the army developed an officer corps some of whose members were very religious in their orientation.

This has led to what Khaled Ahmed calls the Beg-type chief of army staff versus the Jehangir Karamat type chief. The Beg-type (reference to General Aslam Beg) thinks itself to be justified in interfering in civilian affairs in the name of safeguarding ideology. The Karamat-type does not. Because of this the latter type of officer, although called ‘professional’, faces challenge from within.

Moreover, since the army is religiously inspired, there is much pressure on a ‘secular’ chief. In this context the author discusses the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) too. He argues that the ISI’s view of security is actually against the real interests of Pakistan because the country cannot afford a state of perpetual war, covert low-intensity conflict with India, the threat to freedom of expression which the strengthening of the intelligence agencies always brings about everywhere in the world.

One of Khaled Ahmed’s most important theses is that Pakistan has become a garrison state. Because of this status most of the money is spent on what is called ‘defence’. This leaves little for the economic development of the country. The author feels that this is disastrous and may well pose extreme danger to the very viability of the state. In short, Pakistan’s quest for security, paradoxically enough, is leading to insecurity.

Khaled Ahmed is very knowledgeable about Islamic parties, Islamic seminaries (madressahs) and religious issues in Pakistan. This knowledge is spread all over in most articles though there are articles on specifically Islamic issues also. On the whole he tells us how the religious lobby has capitalized on Pakistan’s ideology, which is claimed to be based on Islam, and derives its strength from the security-conscious, anti-India feeling in the country.

He also traces the army’s, and the ISI’s, support for parts of the religious lobby and claims that this poses a threat to the state as presently constituted. Moreover, in some articles, he tells us how the proposal that bank interest, being called usury rather than lawful interest, may be abolished has led to loss of investor’s confidence thus further endangering the economy.

There is a detailed account of the threat of nuclear weapons. Our economists could not withstand the militant, nationalistic rhetoric which made the Nawaz Sharif regime detonate the nuclear bombs in May 1998. The writer’s view is that the bomb has actually encouraged the army to carry on militant activities and small scale operations (such as Kargil) endangering the country. Tracing the history of the nuclear discourse including the CTBT debate in Pakistan, he draws the conclusion that nuclear weapons have only harmed Pakistan both economically and militarily.

The book confirms Khaled Ahmed’s credentials as an informed, analytical and articulate theoretician of the liberal intelligentsia in Pakistan. As most of these views are not welcomed by the establishment he is also confirmed as one of those rare, brave people who express their opinions without fear or favour no matter what the odds against them.

The book has certain weaknesses too. First, there is some repetition which is often unavoidable when articles published in response to some kind of events in the press are brought together under one cover. Secondly, some of the data cannot be checked as its source is not given. This is necessary if one is to write on issues related to the armed forces, intelligence agencies and such other secretive organizations.

Despite these weaknesses, Khaled Ahmed’s work is highly commendable because he brings very keen insight into the affairs of Pakistan in his analysis.

Pakistan: the state in crisis
By Khaled Ahmed
Vanguard Books, 45 The Mall, Lahore. Tel: 042-7243783
Email: vbl@brain.net.pk
ISBN 969-402-365-2. 295pp. Rs595

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