September 15, 2002

After Samraj aur jagirdari, this is Hamza Alavi’s second collection of incisive articles devoted to an in-depth study of an unholy alliance between the military and the civil bureaucracy, which has left a debilitating impact on Pakistani society.

The book contains six well-researched and illuminating essays on state control in a colonial society, with special reference to Pakistan and Bangladesh, the politics of ethnicity in India and Pakistan, authoritarianism and legitimacy in wielding power, the contradiction between ideology and ethnicity, the state in crisis and military relations between Pakistan and the United States.

In these articles, the writer demolishes many popular and widely held beliefs and postulates about the ebb and flow of politics in Pakistan. For example, Alavi refutes the assertion that the bureaucracy and the army assumed supremacy in the affairs of the state after the military takeover in 1958. He believes this supremacy was established soon after the creation of Pakistan in 1947. In the beginning, the politicians and the political parties which presented a pretentious facade of parliamentary government were indeed pawns in the hands of the military-civilian combine. Their existence as rulers depended on the sweet will of their patrons, who inducted them into office when they pleased and got rid of them when they thought it necessary and convenient.

Hamza Alavi has covered various phases of Pakistan‘s politics. He sheds light on the circumstances when the generals in various garbs made successful attempts to rob the people of their right to govern. The system of basic democracies introduced by Ayub Khan ended with his exit. Later, the Legal Framework Order announced by General Yahya Khan also collapsed and disappeared with the dismemberment of Pakistan and the removal of the gregarious general from the political scene.

While discussing the various phases of the dichotomy in the political structure of Pakistani society, the writer stresses the anxiety of the military rulers to seek legitimacy. This legitimacy was considered necessary in order to seek recognition at home and abroad. This explains why different martial law administrators created so-called political institutions and sought the cooperation of the politicians in running the country. As the fall of Dhaka created an entirely new situation, the ruling clique had no option but to hand over power to a civilian authority. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the obvious choice as he was the leader of the majority party in the then West Pakistan.

The author questions the view held by a section of Pakistani intellectuals that the Muslim feudal class, which had a vested interest in the creation of Pakistan was responsible for popularizing the demand for a Muslim homeland. On the contrary, he maintains that the movement assumed momentum with the participation of the salariat class consisting of professionals and the common people belonging to the middle class. He also disputes the popular assertion that Pakistan was created to establish the supremacy of Islam. He firmly believes that the Pakistan movement was launched for the emancipation of the Muslim masses, who felt threatened in united India

In an exhaustive discussion on the emergence of Bangladesh, Hamza Alavi criticizes the widely accepted postulates about the role of H.S. Suhrawardy and his disciple, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He is of the view that both represented the elite class of Muslim Bengal. Suhrawardy, according to him, nursed the ambition of capturing power at the cost of popular aspirations. While dealing with this sensitive issue, he cites Suhrawardy‘s support to the British, French and Israeli intervention in the Suez crisis. As Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a true follower of Suhrawardy, his commitment also was to the elite class of Bengal.

As a contrast, he refers to Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani‘s role in Bengal and draws a line that separates the policies and approaches pursued by the Awami league under the leadership of Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujib on the one hand and Maulana Bhashani on the other. Maulana Bhashani, according to him, represented the popular sentiments of the common people as distinct from the aspirations of the elite class whose representative was Sheikh Mujib.

Any keen observer of the political developments in East Pakistan or Bangladesh may not fully subscribe to the writer‘s view. It is true that Maulana Bhashani was under the influence of his communist cadres and thinkers. But it would not be quite correct to assume that the Awami League was confined only to the cities while Maulana Bhashani reigned in the rural areas. The Awami League being a democratic political party allowed unhindered debate on political issues. This was evident during the famous Kagmari conference which later led to the formation of a separate political party known as the National Awami Party under the leadership of Maulana Bhashani.

Hamza Alavi admits that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman played a significant role in bridging the gulf between the elitist class and the poor people of East Pakistan.

In his article on Pakistan and Islam, while analyzing the contradiction between ideology and ethnicity, the writer arrives at certain conclusions which are at variance with the objective conditions obtaining today. This article was originally published in 1987 and reflected the conditions as they existed then. It is true that the rudderless Muslim migrants from India had gathered under the banner of some religious parties and were disillusioned later. Their disillusionment reached new heights after the emergence of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM). But now the situation has changed a great deal. Though many young people may still owe allegiance to the MQM, the religious parties appear to have gained over the past several years.

In the article on the military relations between America and Pakistan, Hamza Alavi takes a survey of the developments that have taken place in the historical perspective. In the first few years after the birth of Pakistan, the new country maintained an independent posture. But it soon realized that to match the Indian capability, it would have to acquire necessary military hardware. In this pursuit the United States, apparently, was the most willing supplier of weapons.

Now that the Pakistan-US relations have entered a crucial phase after September 11, 2001 this article should be of significant interest as it gives an informed background of the evolving ties between the two countries.

Though there is a general apathy in the country towards any healthy debate on the basic issues confronting Pakistan, Hamza Alavi‘s articles may inspire some discerning readers to study the intricacies of our socio-political system.

Dr Mubarak Ali, who is one of the three persons who have translated the articles into Urdu, admits the hazards in undertaking this arduous task. While going through the book one comes across this inadequacy at many points. The book should also have been edited professionally. The other two persons, who have translated these articles, are Tahir Kamran and Zafar Ali Khan.

Pakistan: riasat aur uska bohran (collection of articles)
By Hamza Alavi
Fiction House, 18 Mazang Road, Lahore
Tel: 042-7249218
374pp. Rs230

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