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![]() September 15, 2002 How poor are the poor
This is the overwhelming truth about the world we inhabit: the gap between the richness of the developed countries and the poverty of the third world is so huge that it is almost beyond our understanding. How can one imagine living for a whole year on the money one now spends in just one month? It would not be a matter of “belt tightening”; it would be a totally different and devastating life.... One feature shared by all the world’s poor is insecurity. When times are good — when the rains fall, when the market price is high — the family can be fed and a few improvements made to the dwelling. Bad luck may strike at any time, though, and wipe out the chance for survival itself. The consciousness of imminent disaster, a fear of what the future will bring, has been found by social scientists to be pervasive among the world’s poor, and for good reason. The poverty of the third world is not “traditional”; it is not an ancient way of life. The traditional cultures of the third world are rich and varied, and they are closer to the surface of everyday life than traditions usually are in the industrialized world, where they have been suppressed. The old folkways of the third world have little to do with poverty. The great religions of the third world — Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam — are not apologies for poverty; they are integral worldviews that bind the generations together. The philosophies and customs that developed over the millennia led to a sense of belonging, not exclusion. Scattered throughout the world are some significant groups of people living in completely traditional ways, much as their ancestors did — for example, in the rain forests of Africa, New Guinea, and some parts of the Philippines. In learning about them we can discern something about the common heritage of the human race. The way that these traditional people live is not, however, typical of the widespread poverty that mars the face of the globe. The endless urban slums are not traditional; they are recent. The population explosion that magnifies the number of poor and threatens the survival of the globe is a phenomenon of the last century, not of time immemorial. The poor labourers in the tobacco, cocoa, banana, cotton, rubber, and sugar fields are not obeying traditional cultural imperatives; they are producing export crops for sale in the prosperous markets of the United States and Europe. Traditional cultures generally had low standards of living in comparison with life today in the rich countries. Life in traditional societies may even have been, in the words of philosopher Thomas Hobbes, “nasty, brutish and short”. People living in traditional societies were not, however, poor in comparison with the people around them with whom they had contact. In contrast, today’s poor in the third world are centrally connected to a changing world — their cities, their farms, their mines, their slums all grow and change rapidly, all responding to the dynamic demands of a growing world economy. The process that transformed the world, that gave us jet airplanes, computer technology, and California suburbs, transformed the third world also, creating the new phenomenon of massive urban and rural poverty. Poverty is never shared equally, even in the poorest countries. Every society has some rich, some middle income, and some poor, and the relative size of the income gap between the rich and the poor varies greatly among countries. One should not think that because India, for example, had an average income of $450 in 1999 that all Indians received that income. The majority of Indians had less than $450 a year, and a substantial number of Indians had very much less. Correspondingly, middle class and wealthy Indians commanded a great deal more of the country’s economic resources. The distribution of income among different groups has been surveyed in a number of the world’s poor countries, although it must be conceded that the data are suspect....Nevertheless, the latest available data appear to confirm what has sometimes been called the Kuznets curve: as countries’ average incomes rise from the very poorest levels, income distribution first becomes more unequal, then more equal. Put differently, it appears that when economic growth takes place in poor countries, it does not usually improve the status of the poorest; rather, it raises the rewards of upper-income groups and leaves the poor further behind. Only after a certain level of economic development has occurred can the poor share in its fruits. Even this generalization, modest though it is, is marked by exceptions. The UNDP ranks countries according to a human development index based on health conditions, literacy, and access to goods and services. It has found that a high ranking on this index is not necessarily associated with high average incomes. Some countries with strong performance in human development are Costa Rica, Korea, Tanzania, Cuba, and Argentina. Other countries, however, including some with quite strong economies, have done much less for their people, among them are Angola, Guatemala, and Pakistan. Poverty is not shared equally by the sexes. Women have access to less health care than men. They receive less schooling; consequently, their illiteracy rates are higher. They perform work that is more tedious and of lower status than men’s work, and they receive less compensation. They usually work longer hours because, in addition to their work outside the home, they are almost always solely responsible for all the work inside the home... The poor are undernourished and malnourished — with less caloric intake and less protein and vitamin intake than they need. As a consequence, many of their children do not achieve full physical and mental development. In a survey for the period 1992-98, the World Bank found that between one-quarter and one- half of children under the age of five in the poorest countries of the third world were malnourished. The proportion for China was 16 per cent, but the proportion for Bangladesh was 56 per cent. The poor are susceptible to disease and premature mortality at much higher rates than are the people of richer countries. Death rates have risen in recent years in much of Africa because of the AIDS epidemic. Most of the rest of the third world, however, has seen dramatic improvements in health and longevity over the last fifty years, as the benefits of public health and sanitation measures have been extended throughout the world. Yet large differences still exist between developed and developing countries. Surveys in Latin America and Africa have shown that fully 90 per cent of the people studied were infested with some form of parasite. In Peru, for example, 113 out of 122 men sampled in the armed forces had parasitic infections. Ninety per cent of people in an area of East Africa were found to have beef tapeworms. The prevalence of tropical diseases such as hookworm, bilharzia, filariasis, and schistosomiasis is almost universal in some areas. These diseases are typically associated with pain and loss of strength, and sometimes with early mortality. These are the bare facts about living standards in the third world — low average incomes, substantial numbers of people living in the direst and most life-threatening poverty, and an incredible gap between the poor countries and the economically developed countries. It would not be correct to call this situation a crisis, because it persists from year to year. It is a tragedy. Excerpted with permission from Promises not kept: the betrayal of social change in the third world By John Isbister Kumarian Press, 1294 Blue Hills Avenue, Bloomfield CT 06002, USA. Tel: 800-289-2664. Fax: +1-860-243-2867. Email: kpbooks@aol.com Website: www.kpbooks.com ISBN 1-56549-119-X 265pp. US$23.95
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