Inam-ur-Rahim and Alain Viaro look into the emerging society in Mingora
WITH urbanization extending to the lower reaches of the valley, the eating habits of the people have changed tremendously and are now more similar to those of the people in urban areas (meat, pulses, vegetables and milk products, only in the case of buffalo keepers). The breakfast menu has now completely changed all over the valley to black tea along with bread cooked in ghee. In the rural areas on the hill slopes, however, the meals still comprise maize bread, whey, yogurt, milk and Saba. Urbanization has clearly changed the dresses and footwear of the people, and their sense of cleanliness has markedly improved. Their clothes are now entirely imported from Punjab and China and the locally woven Khamta is rarely used.
The majority of the landowners belong to the middle to high income groups, mainly due to the resource ownership and exposure to other development activities. The majority of the tenants falls in the lower income group. The family income of the livestock herder is dominantly at the mid level. The indications are that livestock production is still potentially viable economically, despite the fact that the herders, like the tenants, lease both upland and lowland grazing area from the landowners and are obliged to produce additional surpluses for the landowners.
The interdependence of the traditional rural society has been reduced and individualism is pronounced. Previously the Pukhtuns were obliged to care for the artisans, as on many occasions they needed their cooperation. With cash money and labour displacing agriculture technologies, the social relations of production in the traditional society have tremendously changed.
Now, in spite of interdependence, every person and household is dependent on cash money and wants to obtain it at every cost, though it is not admitted openly. If one possesses cash, he believes that all his wishes are achievable. This phenomenon has modified social behaviour and has significantly promoted hypocrisy and lack of mutual trust at the Tal and household level.
* * * * *
The values of the Pukhtuns are now changing and traditional society is losing its identity much more rapidly than the changes being witnessed in Western societies. The main reason for this might be that the Western societies have passed through a process of gradual adaptation to emerging technologies. Whereas in the developing regions like the Swat valley, the multiple technologies have intervened rather abruptly, at least in the initial phases, without giving time for any prior social adjustment.
The consequence has been social disruption rather than gradual adaptation. The level of social awareness and formal education was not at the level either to facilitate the easy integration of new ideas. Hence some segments of the population have become over-ambitious, while others are attracted to fundamentalism, leading to another level of social polarization. The common man has, however, adopted an in-between position representing the silent majority.
Political leadership in the urban context
Before the advent of the Swat state, the traditional political leadership remained mainly with the Pukhtuns in Mingora as in the remaining territory. Just before the inception of the state, the religious groups became equally strong particularly the descendants of the Akhund. The political environment in the neighbourhood and the inherent factionalism among traditional Pukhtun leadership compelled the local powerful segments to agree on the evolution of a centralized state in the territory under the leadership of the descendants of the Akhund.
In the preliminary years the traders, though they possessed large sums of wealth, did not disclose their earnings due to the fear that it might be snatched by the powerful warlords. With the consolidation of the state, when the process of urbanization started, the political status of those involved in trade like Paracha and Zargar gradually improved.
A close association with the rulers and their willingness to avail of contracts for the construction of state buildings and timber logging strengthened the economic status of the business classes. Gradually their political status also went up. The state authority worked cautiously to reduce the political status of the Pukhtun landlords in order to promote their own stability. The other main reason for the traders’ upgraded political status was the prevailing peaceful environment which was conducive to trade and wealth accumulation.
This period was one of gradual improvement in the economics and politics of the non-Pukhtuns in the urban territory. After the merger of the state this political domination continued for a short while and the first elections were won by non-Pukhtun Paracha in the urban territorial limits against the nominees of the ex-Wali. After the 1980s, the negative political role played by those elected led to the resurgence of the Wali family on the local political scene, with the traditional Pukhtuns being the runners-up for leadership.
Excerpts from
Swat: an Afghan society in Pakistan — urbanization and change in a tribal environment
By Inam-ur-Rahim and Alain Viaro
City Press, 316 Madina City Mall, Abdullah Haroon Road, Karachi-74400 Tel: 021-5650623, 5213916