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December 20, 2001
Rising from the dust
Pushpendra traces the phenomenon of Dalit assertion in Indian electoral politics
With the 1996 elections to the eleventh Lok Sabha, the Indian polity seems to have embarked upon a phase of fierce competitive politics. The era of one-party dominance has made way for coalition politics. The gradual decline of the Congress, leaving behind its murky shadow; the growing strength of the BJP edging past the Congress in terms of seats in parliament and its expansion all over the country; the emergence of regional parties as important political players in a number of states; and the strengthening of smaller parties with their specific group followings and limited areas of influence mark the changes that are taking place in Indian party politics.
These changes in party politics in themselves are expressions of larger changes that are enveloping the Indian society today. Different sections of society are desperately trying to assert themselves in politics. The social composition of the parties and the articulations of group interests by them have undergone major changes. Their failure to get accommodated in established national political parties has given rise to the number of smaller parties....
In this context, understanding the electoral behaviour of Scheduled Castes (SC) has become very important. The general elections of 1996 and 1998 saw a powerful assertion of Dalit politics. What we observe in these two elections is, to our surprise, a different SC voter who is no longer a ‘captive’ follower of the Congress. These elections highlight a new phase in their political consciousness, mobilization and organization in the country. One witnesses a concerted effort by SCs to create a new political identity for themselves, by using the levers of competitive politics. Increased voting by SCs, shifts in their party preference and a complex pattern of their voting, their general support for the left or left-of-centre parties, rise of BSP, effort to emerge as a political bloc despite internal class differentiation and increase in the level of legitimacy given to the democratic institutions, are some of the important expressions of their political assertion.
Legitimacy of the political system
Undoubtedly, what we observe today is a sharpening of political consciousness amongst Scheduled Castes. Their participation in numerous movements suggests that their political vision is not restricted to electoral politics alone. In states like Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and parts of Maharashtra, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, they have rallied behind the agrarian movement, the so-called ‘Naxalite’ movement which has gained ground in a few other states also.
In states like Gujarat and Maharashtra and at many places in other states Ambedkarite organizations have become popular tools for Dalits to get organized. The left parties, like CPI(M), CPI, RSP, FB and SUCI, have succeeded in organizing them in their mass organizations, particularly in the states of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, and parts of Assam, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. SCs working in the organized sector industries have been unionized by trade unions. Though a large segment of them, particularly in rural areas, still remains unorganized and suffers from intense internal divisions, the process of organization, protest, mass movement, and as a result, politicization is spreading.
Above all, during the 1996 parliamentary elections, Dalits were able to make remarkable electoral gains. This brings us to a situation where SCs seem to be trying to reconcile two different approaches to political struggles — the parliamentary politics through elections and the politics of active opposition through various non-parliamentary means. This evokes both hopes and apprehensions regarding the credibility of the political institutions of the Indian democracy....
The figures of both the election surveys clearly show the absence of any substantial difference between SCs and upper castes regarding their opinion about the efficacy of their vote. In the 1996 elections, about 60 per cent of SCs and 62 per cent of the upper-caste respondents expressed faith in the power of their vote. In terms of class, the figures were, by and large, the same. The second important indicator of legitimacy of the system is the credibility of elections themselves. A sizable proportion — 45.4 per cent of SCs and 51.3 per cent of the upper castes — in 1996 expressed their faith in the usefulness of elections. The figures remain more or less the same in 1998. Class-wise, 53.1 per cent of SCs and 56.9 per cent of the upper castes belonging to the upper and middle class, described elections as useful.
The corresponding figures for the lower class in accordance with their respective caste groups are 43 per cent and 43.6 per cent. However, it is noteworthy that despite a relatively high percentage of voting and moderate faith in the efficacy of vote, elections are yet to become the choice of the overwhelming majority as far as articulation of their political exercise is concerned. This may have resulted because of the persisting problems with the election system like lack of choice for good candidates, absence of any accountability of the elected candidates and misuse of money and muscle power. Another indicator is the usefulness of parties in the perception of the voters. Political parties are the agencies for representing the electorate in power politics where public policies are determined. They provide the link between the civil society and the state. The quest for popular mandate casts onus on the parties to influence the voter by articulating the issues and demands of people’s concern. It rather compels them to address all the available social cleavages and institutions. Significantly, only 41.4 per cent of the SC respondents accepted the usefulness of political parties in making government pay attention to them as against 46.9 per cent of the upper-caste people. The response in 1998 was no different.
Data reveal that those respondents coming from the upper- and middle-class background and expressing confidence in the usefulness of political parties happen to be 48.9 per cent from SCs and 51.8 per cent from the upper castes. This is far more than the confidence level of their respective lower-class respondents which is found to be 39.1 per cent and 39.9 per cent, respectively. During both the surveys, only 17 per cent of SC voters confirmed meeting any political leader; only 20 per cent of them accepted knowing any leader personally. When asked to respond to whether any political party cared for the interests of their caste group, only 21.8 per cent of SC respondents and 18.1 per cent of upper castes responded in the affirmative in 1996.
These figures were marginally better in favour of SCs in 1998 as 24.4 per cent of them responded in the positive compared to 15.8 per cent of the upper-caste respondents. A similar response was noticed among an overwhelming majority (about 65 per cent) of both the castes who responded in the negative during both the election surveys when queried about the party they felt close to. The upper and middle class are found better placed than the lower class in these respects.
Thus, the CSDS data reveal that the legitimacy of the political parties is much lower than the legitimacy of the system in general. The National Election Survey Report of the CSDS (1996) puts it as a typical example of high legitimization of the system and low legitimization of the actors. A contrast to this is to be noticed in the viewpoint of both scholars and political leaders in the 1950s and early 1960s who presumed the legitimacy of the new institutions as largely depending on the legitimacy of the parties themselves.
One reason for the distrust in political parties may be that, a la Max Weber, ‘The party is alive only during election periods. The parliamentary delegates and parliamentary party leaders know to which local notables one turns if a political action seems desirable’. We are also faced with a situation where the upper-class voters tend to participate less in direct political activities but have developed powerful stakes in the system. It points towards the continuing elitization of Indian politics. The message is loud and clear to the political parties: they cannot take the present support of SCs for granted. Low level of trust in the parties may lead them to opt for further changes in party preference.
However, when the question, ‘Suppose there were no parties or assemblies and elections were not held, do you think that the government in this country can be run better?’ was posed, an impressive 68.6 per cent of the respondents in 1996 answered in the negative whereas this figure stood at 43.4 per cent in 1971. Although no baseline is available, it can be safely presumed that the increase in percentage comes mainly from the weaker sections of society. Still, 74 per cent of the upper-caste respondents approved this system against 67.3 per cent of SCs. The response remained almost the same during the 1998 elections.
This finding is important to reconcile the conflicting responses we observed with respect to the legitimacy of the different political agencies and institutions. This goes to show that despite being dissatisfied with different agencies of the system, SCs discern no clear alternative to the multi-party parliamentary democracy. This gives them an added impetus to assert themselves as a political bloc in the electoral arena. On the whole, the Indian political system enjoys moderate legitimacy among the SC electorate, deriving legitimacy largely from the upper and middle classes than from the lower stratum. Nevertheless, its legitimacy among the lower castes has been increasing. This perhaps partly explains the reason why SCs are thronging the electoral booths as never before.
Conclusions
There is an effort on the part of SCs to carve out a distinctive political niche, indeed an identity, insofar as their voting behaviour is concerned. The recent efforts of SCs to assert in the electoral politics show their concern to gain political strength in order to occupy political and economic space. To them, political power may also work as a source of enhancing social status. However, any effort by SCs to assert politically is bound to face stiff opposition — physical as well as political. SCs, in response to these hindrances, seem to have adopted multidimensional strategies which range from social measures like getting educated to getting organized for both electoral as well as non-electoral battles. The recent efforts by SCs to put their firm signature on the electoral outcomes emerge as a culmination of their consistent struggle and collective strength.
There is a definite pattern in the party preference of SCs who have gradually shifted from the Congress and opted for alternatives wherever they could find them. This change in allegiance is more guided by the secular concern to assert in the power structure in order to gain benefits that may accrue from it, than by mere parochial interests. This has led them to search for alternatives as they are no longer prepared to accept the role of a passive voter-supporter in the overall environment of subjugation and subordination. They have realized that the Congress party has politically nothing to offer beyond the traditional loaves of rhetoric. At the same time, they are tactful enough not to opt for any party irrationally or indiscriminately. They are not intransigent either.
Exercise of the voting right and its effective application to strengthen exclusively SC-based parties like BSP and the left and left-of-the centre parties have been major highlights of their political rise. Internal cleavages within SCs are largely manifested in terms of growing class differentiation within them. However, both the lower and the upper classes of SCs are in the process of change so far as their party preferences go, with the former mostly inclining to the left and the latter to the rightist BJP.
Political institutions of Indian democracy seem to enjoy the support of SCs but the political actors stand more or less discredited. This is an alarming signal for the political parties for they cannot afford to take the present overwhelming support of SCs for granted. They will have to show genuine concern for the issues of SCs lest the latter find the non-parliamentary path of struggle more rewarding than the electoral battles.
Excerpts from
Dalit identity and politics
Edited by Ghanshyam Shah
Sage Publications, M 32 Market, Greater Kailash 1, New Delhi-110 048.
Email: marketing@indiasage.com
ISBN 0-7619-9583-8
363pp. Indian Rs295
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