IT is difficult to imagine the changes that have taken place in the British political scenario in just over three weeks. In fact, if somebody had proposed a film based on recent events, people would have laughed in his face for suggesting such a bizarre sequence of political acts.

Consider: Britain votes to exit the world’s biggest and most successful economic bloc; Prime Minister David Cameron resigns, triggering a power struggle that sees Boris Johnson knifed in the back by his friend, Michael Gove; Andrea Leason, the leading rival to Theresa May, drops out; and May is picked as Tory leader and PM, and proceeds to carry out a brutal reshuffle of the cabinet.

In this same period of turmoil, Sir John Chilcot releases his devastating report that underlines failures by politicians, generals and spies. A previous prime minister, Tony Blair, is subjected to particularly scathing criticism. And while all this is happening, the opposition Labour Party remains locked in a vicious civil war as Jeremy Corbyn’s opponents, mostly from among the party’s MPs, try to force him out.

Such is the disarray in Labour ranks that in his last weekly Prime Minister’s Question Hour, Cameron taunted Corbyn by saying: “We had a resignation, an election and the appointment of a new prime minister. All this while, Labour couldn’t even decide on its election rules.”

Indeed, the Conservatives’ decisive moves and swift succession emphasises the difference between the two parties. The Tories are far more ruthless when it comes to the exercise of power than Labour. The latter is caught up in a deeply divisive search not just for new leadership, but for its ideological moorings. Under so-called New Labour led first by Tony Blair, and then by Gordon Brown, the party became a pale imitation of the Conservatives. A large number of working class supporters felt Labour no longer represented their interests, but had become a party of the urban bourgeoisie. This is one reason why so many Labour members voted for Brexit, defying the leadership’s policy of staying in the EU.

But currently, it is the new prime minister’s ruthless cleansing of her cabinet of David Cameron’s closest associates that has raised eyebrows. Nothing, however, has surprised observers around the world as much as the appointment of Boris Johnson as the new foreign secretary. The ex-mayor of London has long been regarded as a bit of a buffoon for his wild appearance, his colourful language, his highly publicised romantic liaisons, and his often undiplomatic comments. In addition to being a leading Tory MP, Johnson was also a highly paid columnist for the Daily Telegraph.

One of the reasons pundits think lies behind Johnson’s appointment is his solid pro-Brexit credentials. And his job, shorn of its trade and EU aspects, will keep him out of Britain for significant periods, thus reducing his nuisance value. However, most recognise the chances of Johnson being a liability in this unaccustomed role, and a major gaffe would give May the opportunity to fire him.

Michael Gove is another casualty of May’s broom. This devious plotter first ditched his old friend Cameron when the referendum was announced, and then betrayed another friend, Boris Johnson, by announcing that he was a candidate in the party election for Cameron’s successor. This effectively torpedoed Johnson’s chances, and he was forced to withdraw from the race. But just when observers thought his political career was over, he surprised everybody by stepping into the third most important post in the cabinet.

Meanwhile, Labour’s self-inflicted ordeal goes on. Despite an overwhelming no-confidence vote by the parliamentary party, Corbyn has insisted that his opponents should challenge him in an open election. He is counting on his enthusiastic supporters to re-elect him. Angela Eagle and Owen Smith have both thrown their hats into the ring, even though they may compromise later on a single challenger to increase the chance of toppling the left-wing Corbyn.

Their problem is the large number of mostly youthful supporters Corbyn has attracted to the party, and who back his right to continue as the leader. Opposed to them are the more centrist members who insist that Corbyn lacks the leadership skills needed to unite the party, and lead it to victory in the next election due in 2020.

However, there is a real chance that May could call early elections and seek her own mandate. Although amendments in the rules pushed through by the Liberal Democrats in the previous coalition government have given parliament a fixed five-year term, there is a clause about special circumstances that could be used by Theresa May. And given the Brexit referendum, the situation could indeed warrant a fresh election.

But apart from a mandate, May would be exploiting the deep divisions within the Labour Party to get an even bigger majority. Whatever happens, nobody can say that British politics are boring.

Tailpiece: I went to watch the opening day of the England-Pakistan Test match at Lord’s, and saw Misbah get his marvellous century. While the atmosphere was redolent with tradition and history, I was also reminded of the occasional excitement and the long periods of tedium at these encounters. The historic ground was festooned with advertising hoardings, and PIA was conspicuous by its absence. I suppose it is financially distressed, but I had an inkling of this while waiting over three months for a refund for a flight I did not take. Does the airline have any idea of the damage this kind of shabby behaviour does to its reputation?

irfan.husain@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, July 18th, 2016

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