In a follow-up to the first meeting held on July 6, 1983, four weeks later another meeting of all martial law administrators (MLAs) was convened. Ostensibly this moot was held to review the political situation in light of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy’s (MRD)plan to resume agitation, but in fact, it was summoned with the sole purpose of conveying to various political leaders that the military government was serious about restoring democracy.
When discussions began, some participants wanted elections on non-party basis, while the others argued in favour of continuing with martial law. To resolve the debate, a two-member committee comprising Lt-Gen Fazl-i-Haq and Lt-Gen Khalid Mohammad Arif was formed, and asked to submit its suggestions by evening the same day.
The committee returned with a comprehensive plan: it recommended that polls should first be held on a non-party basis, but after the elections the winners should form a political party and General Ziaul Haq should become its head. With a majority vote, the General should then rule the country for five years. This new party should also bring about a balance of powers between the prime minister and the president. It suggested that Gen Zia should lift the martial law in March 1986 and quit as Chief of Army Staff (COAS). And thereafter, he should retire.
Talk of a national government, including parties of the MRD, gathers pace as the rumour mill goes into overdrive
The August meeting also deliberated some other points, including reducing the number of political parties to the lowest possible number — some believed that a large number of parties and groups was one reason for the political unrest in the country. It was also felt necessary for manifestoes of political parties to be vetted by the election commission. Similarly, parties’ accounts needed to be scrutinised and their source of income investigated.
Then there was the suggestion for the election commission to be empowered to screen a candidate’s personal record before the filing of nomination papers. If the commission was not satisfied, it could prevent any candidate from even filing their nomination papers. Reviewing the age of voters and candidates was also suggested as the commission’s responsibility.
Perhaps a more important point discussed in the August meeting was the suggestion of creating a Military Council that comprises the prime minister, leaders of the opposition, all four chief ministers and chiefs of the armed forces. This body was proposed to be permanent and was to serve as a political shock absorber in case of any stalemate.
This kind of thinking had prevailed in the military leadership a few months back as well, but more than four months of sustained MRD agitation had changed the situation. Government-fed news sources had claimed that the MRD was backed by external forces, but the movement showed no signs of running out of steam.
Meanwhile, with Sindh Governor Lt-Gen S M Abbasi already making contact with opposition leaders, there was speculation that the military leadership and the agitating politicians were closer to reaching some settlement. The MRD’s central committee also held regular meetings and reviewed various options.
There were also unconfirmed reports that a loose interim national government was also on the cards. As planned, went the theory, this interim government was to comprise all component parties of the MRD, including the PPP. It was suggested that this national government would hold the key to holding general elections and the lifting of martial law.
The committee returned with a comprehensive plan: it recommended that polls should first be held on a non-party basis, but after the elections the winners should form a political party and General Ziaul Haq should become its head.
With the rumour mill in overdrive, Gen Abbasi indicated that talks with detained PPP leaders were indeed ongoing but did not divulge what exactly was being discussed. Then news surfaced that PPP central leader Abdul Hafeez Pirzada was scheduled to visit London and then go to the United States.
Of course, Benazir Bhutto had already left Pakistan by now. After disembarking in Paris, she said in unequivocal terms that she had not been released under an accord with the military government; rather, she had arrived for medical treatment and she would return to Pakistan thereafter.
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, July 5th, 2015
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