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THERE will be zero tolerance towards “all forms of terrorism” was the gist of the conversation at the first meeting at the ISI HQ between army chief Gen Raheel Sharif and his handpicked intelligence head Lt-Gen Rizwan Akhtar.
Given the mass murder and mayhem everyone in Pakistan has witnessed over the past several years, with thousands personally affected too, there wouldn’t be a single soul in the country who wouldn’t wish all success to those who express such a resolve.
Even then many observers will ask whether “all forms of terrorism” was mentioned to send a chill up the spine of terrorists of different hues active in the country or placate the army chief’s hosts as he heads to the United States for talks.
To be fair to the current army chief, since ‘the soldier’s soldier’ assumed command there has been a definite surge in anti-terror operations including the launch of Zarb-i-Azb in North Waziristan Agency. This indicated a change of heart after so many years of ambivalence.
The preceding two-term army chief, who was seen as a philosopher, a ‘thinking’ general, may have initiated the reorientation of the armed forces by identifying the internal threat as the most serious the country faced and set the counterterrorism training ball rolling, but he also procrastinated in taking action.
The task is not going to be easy or expeditiously achieved but has to be undertaken with the full might if the state of Pakistan is to be spared the fate of Iraq or Syria.
It is true that the army is responsible for many of our ills today. Equally, so many would forgive its past sins and, in fact, be grateful for the existence of an organised, well-trained and disciplined entity if it were to take on indiscriminately, and with no favourites at all, the ideological allies of the brutal murderous ‘Islamic State’ thugs.
If Pakistan is to defeat terrorism, there are multiple fronts the civilian leaders have to deliver on.
Since the army, particularly during the Zia era in the Afghan war and beyond, fostered and nurtured many of the militants holding the state hostage today, there is often the expectation that the army should deal with them exclusively.
The reality is that if the modern Pakistani state is to defeat terrorism and survive as a successful entity there are multiple fronts the civilian leaders have to deliver on as well. Yes, good governance has become a useless, even pointless, cliché but should lie at the heart of an elected government’s agenda, ethos.
Delivery of essentials such as food, shelter, healthcare and education to the most vulnerable sections of society must form the most formidable bulwark against inroads by well-funded religious institutions/groups.
The importance of this cannot be forgotten for a moment, for association of youth with such entities is often the first step towards developing sympathies for jihadi gangs. Southern Punjab and Sindh were the traditional heartlands of the Sufi tradition.
A cursory look now will show how the madressah-led culture change is taking root in both these areas as elected political representatives have failed the people rather miserably. To my mind, this aspect poses a much more potent and longer-term threat to stability than perhaps even the mostly tribal-based Taliban.
The other key failure of the elected leaders has been lack of legislation what to talk of imagination. While somewhat tough(er) anti-terror legislation took years in coming (and law-enforcement officials believe is still wanting) other measures have not been introduced.
The assassination attempt on an anti-terrorism court judge in Quetta earlier this week underlined the need to introduce simple measures such as setting up courts in more secure locations and having trials/evidence via video feeds.
In Italy, where the crime syndicates were as strong as any in the world, their back was broken by special units and magistrates whose identity was often not made public and they worked anonymously for the simple reason that their protection made the trial and verdicts possible.
When I lamented the last crime against the Shia Hazara community in Quetta and asked if the authorities would ever act, someone pointed out (I must admit I have not been able to personally verify this) an incident involving the killing of some Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) militants in an exchange of fire with police several years ago.
I was informed that of the six policemen who took part in that encounter one by one five had been murdered and the state appeared helpless in tracking down the killers. Sadly, apart from fear, one of the major reasons for such failure is the ties such groups have with those in power.
When militants stormed and took over a building forming part of Pakistan Army’s GHQ in Rawalpindi in 2009, the LJ leader Malik Ishaq was said to have been flown from his Lahore prison cell in the then army chief’s plane to help mediate with the terrorists. The incident has never been denied by the military.
Also, the military’s campaign against the Baloch separatists means that certain alliances are being made in Balochistan which may represent a necessity in tactical terms and even a victory a bit like Kargil but would lead to an equally humiliating strategic debacle.
But of course the military is not alone in fostering ties with the militants even when they are the sectarian type. Look at the record of the government in power. Key members of the Sharif administration such as Rana Sanaullah have proudly defended proximity to sectarian leaders and groups.
Until all key players in the country are on the same page and their ‘resolve’ on zero tolerance towards ‘all forms’ of terrorism is accompanied by concrete manifestation on the ground hope will continue to slip out of our hands.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
Published in Dawn, November 15th , 2014
