When it came, it wasn’t much of a bombshell: Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) General Ziaul Haq had decided not to form a national government. Nor would there be any political activity; barring three parties, no political activity would be allowed. This was the General’s will.

Indeed, political activity had swelled in the month of June 1978. It began on June 3, when Gen Zia summoned a meeting of generals close to him.

Without discussing the political situation with them, he announced that he had decided not to form a national government. Sources close to the CMLA narrate that the General merely informed his associates of his decisions rather than seek a discussion or their counsel.

Gen Zia had also decided to enact a new law for political parties, according to which only three parties would be allowed to function in the country. At the time, almost 100 political parties and groups were operating. A panel of legal experts would be constituted, which would headed by Justice Hamoodur Rahman, to amend the Constitution and frame a new law for political parties.

PNA dissociates itself from military junta after promises to lay out roadmap for elections come to naught

The General also shocked many during the meeting when he argued for the first time that he had planned to ban the Pakistan People’s Party. He said that the ban would be imposed at an appropriate time, and the party’s leaders would be declared as disqualified from political activity. For the time being though, elections for local bodies would be held.

The CMLA also announced that the council of advisers would be disbanded and a formal cabinet sans any bureaucrat would be sworn in. On holding general elections, he once again reiterated his point of view that there would be no elections in the near future, and whenever held, they would be on non-party basis.

Despite his resolute will to not form a national government, Gen Zia continued to meet with political leaders. One such meeting was held in Rawalpindi; on June 14, the General and his close aides met Mufti Mahmood, Pir Pagara and Professor Ghafoor Ahmad of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Later on, Mahmood told his party that the General informed them of his decisions and said that the CMLA had made up his mind on who would be part of a consensus cabinet and that the PNA should accord permission to them.

As per the General, the government would mostly comprise of PNA leaders but would have some leaders from other parties. Every member would be a minister, and would serve as in-charge of their respective departments. The cabinet would also have military officials and would be headed by the CMLA. Likewise, provinces too would have governments formed on a similar principle. The General once again made a new pledge that 1979 would be the year of elections.

On June 28, PNA chief Mufti Mahmood said in a statement that the Alliance would not join the government, since they had already told the military that their decision was contingent upon the holding of general elections. Expressing his resentment at the General for not announcing a date for national elections, he also posited the question to Gen Zia that if the military government could hold local bodies’ elections, why could it not hold general elections?

This meeting sparked a series of meetings among the PNA, and between the PNA and other parties, during which all kinds of formulas came under discussion. These deliberations proved that Nawabzadah Nasrullah Khan was a staunch supporter of democracy, who would not support any form of government without ensuring a concrete date for holding general elections. The Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam was also very explicit that the PNA should not join the proposed government without securing a concrete promise for elections.

On June 22, the PNA leaders’ delegation comprising Mufti Mahmood, Pir Pagara and Professor Ghafoor Ahmad called on Gen Ziaul Haq, along with Haji Maula Bakhsh Soomro, General Faiz Ali Chishti and General K.M. Arif. The general’s team explained their stand on forming a national government and announcing an election date. Mufti Mahmood told the General that the PNA chiefs wanted an election date announced. This point proved to be thorny and the meeting turned out to be inconclusive.

On June 25, the General finally came out in the open with his course of action. In an address to the nation that was broadcast on radio and television, Gen Zia took a U-turn on the formation of a national government. He announced that he had dropped the idea of forming a national government; instead, he would appoint a cabinet comprising leaders selected by him.

He also made clear that he would not meet politicians in future, but he would like to have talented people in the cabinet. He also declared that by the end of the year, local bodies’ elections would be held on non-party basis, which would form a consolidated foundation for democracy in the country.

The General’s address created a stir in political circles, especially among the PNA.

On June 28, PNA chief Mufti Mahmood said in a statement that the Alliance would not join the government, since they had already told the military that their decision was contingent upon the holding of general elections. Expressing his resentment at the General for not announcing a date for national elections, he also posited the question to Gen Zia that if the military government could hold local bodies’ elections, why could it not hold general elections?

A similar reaction was shown by Pir Pagara, who argued that he was also weighing the option of continuing his party’s partnership with the PNA. He pointed to the differences of opinion that had surfaced during the last PNA meeting. Pagara, however, was not averse to his party people joining the cabinet; no action would be taken against any Muslim League member if he decided to join the federal cabinet.

Amidst an uncertain atmosphere, the formation of a federal government with a civilian mask still seemed a distant possibility. And yet, political pundits believed that if the General did not give his government civilian legitimacy, the government would not only lose domestic support but also find its existence difficulty to justify internationally.

Next week: Vying for power shaikhaziz38@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, October 26th, 2014