The Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), which had undertaken a countrywide campaign to oust Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on the pretext of rigging the March 1977 elections, was now facing dissention from within. The month of December was spent in settling mutual differences. And then they got word that Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) General Ziaul Haq would reveal his plans through a press conference scheduled on Jan 1, 1978.

The politicians decided to wait and see what the General had to offer.

When it came, all press predictions were shattered as Gen Zia did not speak a single word about any elections to be held; the only related thing which he spoke about was the accountability of the politicians. The bombshell dropped was that of Islamisation.

Talk of elections gets sidetracked as General Zia announces new accountability mechanism

Gen Zia argued that superior courts had been authorised to declare any law null and void if it was found repugnant according to Islamic injunctions, as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah. He declared the year 1978 as the ‘Year of Islamisation’ — it was to be kicked off by the law ministry, through an immediate review of all laws in a bid to amend them in accordance with an “Islamic” system. But there were other changes too: Friday was declared as a weekly holiday, while an education committee had been formed for improving the quality of learning.

Speaking his mind, rather expressing his latent desire, Gen Zia said that the Constitution of the country had armed the prime minister with too many powers as compared to the president and the parliament. He, therefore, pledged to personally take over the task of redressing this imbalance of power before handing over power to the elected representatives.

Gen Zia declared the year 1978 as the Year of Islamisation — it was to be kicked off by the law ministry, through an immediate review of all laws in a bid to amend them in accordance with an “Islamic” system. But there were other changes too: Friday was declared as a weekly holiday, while an education committee had been formed for improving the quality of learning.

The CMLA also presented a new mechanism to carry out accountability: a committee consisting of Gen Zia himself as well as his subservient martial law administrators would take up accountability cases of politicians, and decide whether these politicians would be allowed to take part in the elections or if they stood disqualified. This process would begin on Jan 15, 1978; it was expected that it would take three months to conclude. He also asked the courts to expedite the disposal of cases against the politicians.

Gen Zia also disclosed that the case against deposed prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, would be registered in two weeks. He also claimed that Bhutto and his cronies had camouflaged their illegal acts in such a manner that they could not be easily caught. He justified the delay by arguing that he wanted no loopholes regarding solid evidence during legal proceedings. The General also said that bringing about improvements in the civil service structure was being planned; a commission led by the chief justice had been appointed to review the entire structure from its lowest level.

Apart from Islamisation, he also announced the dissolution of the Hyderabad Tribunal, and said that a general amnesty to all 52 accused had been granted. A separate order was issued for the dissolution of the Tribunal as Gen Zia spoke to the press.

Speaking about political activities, he said that he personally was against frequent politicking and wanted to keep these activities to a minimum. He also claimed that the prices of essential commodities had been brought under control. According to him, the Bhutto government had rendered 5,476 people jobless, as their employment was terminated on political grounds. He added that review boards had taken up some 3,776 cases of these persons who had been sent on forcible retirement. He said that a 1976 law regarding Attock-Badber conspiracy case had been cancelled.

The general impression of the press conference and the decisions announced by the General was that the he did not appear to be in any mood to conduct elections or even make any promise on that count, and that he had an agenda of clinging to power for as long as possible.

While the PPP remained busy in its preparations to contest the cases its leaders were facing, the PNA leaders were still hoping to see the day of polls. They welcomed the General’s pledges, which he had always been making, and did not react to the proposed actions against politicians. They included Jamaat-i-Islami’s Maulana Maudoodi and Mian Mohammad Tufail, Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani and Maulana Abdus Sattar Niazi. Wali Khan, who had been released from the Hyderabad jail, was happy too, saying that his friends and he had been cleared of the rebels’ list.

But Maulana Noorani was bent on calling a meeting of the PNA on Jan 1 to discuss Zia’s assertions. The meeting was held the next day in Lahore; Noorani did not participate in protest at delaying the moot, but sent a delegation which communicated his viewpoint. Nawabzadah Nasrullah Khan argued that a “representative government” could salvage the situation and save the country. Perhaps he meant any government formed by the PNA. In a statement issued from Lahore on Jan 3, Nasrullah called upon Gen Zia to immediately announce the election schedule, even preceded by accountability. However, the PNA line was that faster accountability should be initiated. In the mayhem, the PNA failed to delineate and announce the policy of the alliance.

Now, the PNA — which had considered itself to be the main force in bringing down the Bhutto government — was directionless. The cracks in its body that had emerged gave the alliance a scant chance to rise as formidable political player in future. Even its leaders were levelling charges against each other.

This is exactly what Zia wanted.

Next week: Tribunals set up to try politicians

shaikhaaziz38@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, August 10th, 2014