On the morning of July 14, Pakistan woke up to the news that a new regime of corporal terror had accompanied General Ziaul Haq to the seat of power: military courts were to hand down corporal punishments for theft, robbery and adultery. As it proved, these penalties became central to the dictatorship becoming enforced and protracted.

The penalties were imposed on July 13 but were publicised through the press on the morning of the 14th. Per the decree, thieves were to be punished with the amputation of their right hand, robbers would lose their right hand and left foot, while those involved in rape or adultery would face death by stoning.

Of course, this was a continuation of attempts being made to legitimise Gen Zia as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. Since Gen Zia did not have any prior experience of working during a martial law, he spent much time in establishing the CMLA Secretariat and placing certain army officers on duty. From day one, however, the CMLA office and provincial MLAs began issuing various Martial Law orders and regulations, which dealt with issues from control over prices to various cases to be tried under Martial Law regulations.

Later that afternoon, on July 14, the General had assembled the press corps for his first press conference at the National Defence College, Rawalpindi. With the reign of corporal terror already unleashed, the press was keen on finding out what exactly the General had in store for Pakistan since there was little that the CMLA had let out till then.

The press conference began with the General explaining bit by bit the causes that led to the army takeover, followed by a sermon on the tenets of Islam. While measured at first, the General did not mince any words when boasting that he had made the decision to topple Bhutto in the last week of June 1977, and that Operation Fairplay was planned at his house.

The General’s announcements had already left the press in a daze, but the ensuing question-answer session left a lot to be desired as well. With lengthy answers and long-winded expressions, Gen Zia left a rather poor impression of himself on journalists.

But it became amply clear during the General’s opening lecture and subsequent question-answer session that he understood Article 6 very well, and had overthrown Bhutto despite its constitutional consequences. “If my action proves treasonous, wring my neck!” he boomed defiantly.

Repeating various developments during talks between democratic leaders, he emphasised: “I am heading an interim government. I believe in democracy. We have not come to stay in power. We have come to transfer power. General elections will be held on October 18, 1977. I have given a vow to the nation, and by God, I will do my best to fulfil it. Who am I to decide whether the results of general elections are good or bad? We will abide by the verdict given by the people.”

Gen Zia must have sensed the apprehension among the press despite his proclamations. By evening the same day, he appointed Justice Moulvi Mushtaq Hussain as the chief election commissioner. Simultaneously, a three-member committee was appointed to draft election rules and run related affairs; this body constituted Judge Nasim Hassan Shah, lawyer A.K. Brohi, and Attorney General Sharifuddin Pirzada.

The press conference was followed by lunch — a lavish buffet. Of course, the main attraction was that the General had joined journalists and was busy in engaging with them. I too strolled to his side.

When I saw an opportune time, I introduced myself and said: “General Saheb, we already have a large number of disabled persons. Do we intend to add to this category by amputating people’s hands and stoning them to death?”

Gen Zia glanced at me and then turned to an aide standing behind me; I later found out it was Masood Nabi Noor, Gen Zia’s federal information secretary. He nodded to the General and answered: “Shaikh Saheb, we will not amputate hands and add to the disabled people population. This decree is a deterrent, we won’t act on it.”

“Then why the regulation?” I insisted. “If the regulation is there, someone might act on it. Why don’t you withdraw it?”

“I assure you we’ll not amputate anyone,” shot the General.

Two years later, Gen Zia — still the CMLA — promulgated the Hudood Ordinance. Amputations and whippings became the norm, to the extent that political activists and journalists were whipped every time they showed a hint of dissent. These punishments left society in a psychological bind; crime may not have stopped, but the regime’s reign of terror was very much established and feared.

Next week: Moves by Khar and Jam Sadiq Ali

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