PAKISTANIS have notoriously short-term memories and, dare I say, rather fickle politics too. It has barely been nine months since the PML-N government took office, and the appraisals proffered by the mainstream media, intelligentsia and the chattering classes in this brief period have been anything but good.

Yet it was these same constituencies that were singing the praises of the Sharif brothers — particularly the younger one — in the lead-up to general elections. In comparison to the much maligned Zardari regime, the Sharifs were considered efficient administrators, committed to the country’s development and generally a better all-round package (in Punjab at least).

In the event, things have not got better, and on some accounts have got even worse. To be fair, seasoned political commentators were not expecting a great deal given the scale and depth of the structural crises that the country faces. The chattering classes, on the other hand, still appear to have learnt nothing from history, to come to terms with the fact that there cannot be technocratic solutions to deep-seated political problems.

Take, for instance, the issue of millenarian violence. Anyone with a cursory knowledge of the PML-N’s historic political alignments understands that it was never going to take on the militant right-wing. Quite aside from the KP-based militants with whom the government is talking, there are a plethora of rightists operating in Punjab with whom the PML-N has always cultivated close ties. That Shahbaz Sharif makes bridges and highways in quick time should not prevent us from accepting this sordid truth.

Not that the other major political party that claims to be ushering in ‘good governance’ is any better. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) is knee-deep in alliances with the religious right and has demonstrated no commitment to redressing class, ethnic, gender and other long-standing exploitative structures in KP where it is in power. Lest we forget, until a few short months ago the PTI was being depicted as the panacea to all of Pakistan’s troubles.

Both the PML-N and the PTI are right-of-centre populist parties that have further divided an already fragmented polity. In principle it is a good thing that the urban, educated constituencies that were so enamoured of these parties only a year or so ago are increasingly disillusioned with them. In an ideal world, this state of affairs would provoke introspection and, over time, a commitment to a more substantial politics that really does threaten status quo.

The problem is that too many of us are unwilling to accept that there are no quick fixes to the problems staring us in the face; we often do not even acknowledge the country’s myriad crises as political ones, let alone undertake the long and arduous task of charting out meaningful political responses.

But why are we unable to deal with the plague of short-termism? While the lower orders of society are swayed by ‘public opinion’ orthodoxy as presented by the media and via educational institutions, the urbanites who consider themselves the epitome of progress in a ‘backward’ society should surely be able to develop a more holistic analysis.

My contention is that the chattering classes who have historically been the most vociferous supporters of military generals, interventionist judges, and populist politicians do so because they are beneficiaries of the status quo and hence have no real interest in undermining prevailing structures of power.

In effect I am pointing only to the fact that many of the ‘progressives’ who decry Pakistan’s woes in their gated communities are part of the same social circles as the state functionaries and exploiting classes that are the heartbeat of our political system. It should come as no surprise, then, that these ‘progressives’ beat the dead horse of superficial analyses and populist politics in the comfort of their living rooms while the mass of the population actually has to face up to the reality of market fundamentalism, state excess and wanton violence.

Of course there are exceptions to the rule, as there always have been. But there should be no mistaking that class position determines not only one’s position in the structure of power, but often political attitudes as well. In a bygone era prominent segments of the urban, educated classes affiliated with the radical left reneged on their own privilege and made clear commitments to anti-systemic politics. Today these same segments are largely conspicuous by their absence.

Even if they do not harbour any of the same revolutionary aspirations as their predecessors of previous decades, it is time for self-proclaimed ‘progressives’ who claim to want a better future for this country and its people to put their money where their mouth is. Blaming others only exposes their own culpability.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Opinion

Editorial

‘Source of terror’
Updated 29 Mar, 2024

‘Source of terror’

It is clear that going after militant groups inside Afghanistan unilaterally presents its own set of difficulties.
Chipping in
29 Mar, 2024

Chipping in

FEDERAL infrastructure development schemes are located in the provinces. Most such projects — for instance,...
Toxic emitters
29 Mar, 2024

Toxic emitters

IT is concerning to note that dozens of industries have been violating environmental laws in and around Islamabad....
Judiciary’s SOS
Updated 28 Mar, 2024

Judiciary’s SOS

The ball is now in CJP Isa’s court, and he will feel pressure to take action.
Data protection
28 Mar, 2024

Data protection

WHAT do we want? Data protection laws. When do we want them? Immediately. Without delay, if we are to prevent ...
Selling humans
28 Mar, 2024

Selling humans

HUMAN traders feed off economic distress; they peddle promises of a better life to the impoverished who, mired in...