There was hope in the summers of 1977. Tensions between Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) had seemingly receded. Both parties began preparing for talks that were expected soon. But for unexplainable reasons, Bhutto still wanted to gain time.

Nobody knows what led Bhutto to believe that he would meet representatives of the armed forces before talks with the PNA took place. Bhutto’s assertion created an environment of uncertainty, for which there were unexplained reasons. Arrests of the PNA supporters continued as well. Unhappy over the relentless arrests, Maulana Maudoodi issued a statement to criticise the government’s machinations. Pir Pagara also did not foresee any positive outcome from the talks, and said that Bhutto was not sincere in resolving the issue through dialogue.

On May 30, Maulana Kausar Niazi, the then-information minister and spokesperson for the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), sought to clear the air. He told journalists that talks would begin on June 3, and without any preconditions. But the very next day, on May 31, Bhutto met the four chiefs of armed forces: Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff (CJCS) Gen M. Sharif, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Gen Ziaul Haq, Chief of Naval Staff (CONS) Adm Mohammad Sharif, and Chief of Air Staff (CAS) Air Marshal Zulfikar Ali Khan. Bhutto was accompanied to the meeting by trusted confidantes Hafeez Pirzada and Maulana Kausar Niazi.

The very fact that Bhutto had met with the high-command of the armed forces bred doubts that perhaps the prime minister was about to change course. At the meeting, however, Bhutto discussed all possible solutions with the armed forces. Maulana Niazi later recalled that conducting a referendum was also proposed, but Gen Zia did not support the option. “The referendum proposal will not work. Our jawans are not satisfied with the option, and the opposition also rejects it,” Gen Zia had argued.

When Maulana Niazi was asked to comment, he tabled five propositions, including the option of the PPP government resigning and the PNA assuming power.

Another option, holding fresh elections and handing over power to the Army, was also deliberated upon. Maulana Niazi’s position was that in case the Army took over, it would have to wait for an opportune time to conduct fresh polls. Bhutto was having none of this: “If the army takeover option is agreed upon, let me quit and go to Larkana right now,” Bhutto boomed. “No sir, we have no such intention!” Gen Zia immediately stood up and replied, placing his left hand on his chest. “We are the right arm of the government. We are loyal and we will remain loyal.”

Meanwhile, the Saudi ambassador to Pakistan, Shaikh Riazul Khaib, continued to keep a close eye on all developments and met with Bhutto on June 1. He apprised Bhutto of the Saudi monarch’s wish that the talks must reach a successful conclusion, insisting that no efforts to sabotage the process will be tolerated.

Amb. Khaib also communicated to Bhutto that the opposition wanted the ambassador to provide an undertaking that Bhutto would stop politicking and political manoeuvring, and that details of the discussion would not be made public. Bhutto replied that the ambassador could extend all assurances about these matters on his behalf.

One day before talks, on June 2, the Lahore High Court declared martial law in some cities null and void (against which Bhutto wanted to file an appeal with the Supreme Court, but on June 7 it was lifted.) All detained PNA leaders were released, while the PNA cancelled all its agitation rallies and protests.

And thus, after a three-month-long standoff, talks between the two parties finally began on June 3.

The first meeting was held at the Prime Minister’s House, and lasted for about three hours, during which revisions were made to demands from both sides. In his opening remarks, Bhutto said that he was prepared to extend all cooperation to make the talks a success. This was reciprocated by the PNA team.

The PNA agreed to shift its position on their demand of Bhutto resigning as prime minister. During the meeting’s opening minutes, participants were informed that the incarcerated PNA leaders had been released or were being released, that no new arrests would be made, and that all anti-PNA propaganda would be stopped.

Despite intense speculation that discussions will remain deadlocked, the first meeting concluded amicably, with both sides eager to move ahead with responsibility and reach a workable conclusion. The next meeting was scheduled for June 6, with a two-member subcommittee (one from each side) constituted to iron out the points of contention. Professor Ghafoor Ahmad represented the PNA, while Hafeez Pirzada was to argue the government’s case.

There were two potential solutions that needed deliberation. The first - proposed by the government - was that elections be held on all disputed constituencies. The second option, pleaded by the PNA, was that fresh elections be held across the country. Since Bhutto had shown an inclination to conduct fresh elections, both parties immediately suspended protest rallies and processions the next day, on June 4. The sticking point, however, was whether fresh polls were to be held within three months, as suggested by the PNA, or held in 1978, as sought by the government.

At the June 6 round of talks, Bhutto agreed that unfair polls had been reported, but the precise mechanics of how to redress the situation was the crux of the matter.

One argument was that in case of re-polling, there would be no need for candidates to file their nomination papers afresh nor would any electioneering be needed. But if new elections were held, nomination papers would have to be filed all over again and electioneering would be allowed.

Mufti, the PNA contingent leader, wanted to consult colleagues of the PNA and sought time. By evening, the PNA decided that any option would be acceptable to them, provided that specific guarantees about the impartiality of the process be put in place. By the end of the June 6 round of talks, Prof. Ghafoor expressed satisfaction over the progress made.

The euphoria was short-lived, however: apprehensions soon began to surface about the two parties’ disagreements over the date and mode of elections. The government, it seemed, was amenable to either re-polling or fresh elections, but it refused to budge on the timing. The government wanted 1978.

Next week: As the talks progress, Asghar Khan opposes them shaikhaziz38@gmail.com