Highlights of the September 2004 issue
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Back to the hills
By M. Ilyas Khan
Unknown to the rest of the country, Baloch nationalists are up in arms again after 30 years.
Which of the two should be more worrying: the fact that Balochistan, after a troubled peace lasting some 30 years, is once again in the throes of a full-fledged insurgency or the reality that the issue has so far failed to find space in Pakistan’s mainstream political discourse? The sights and sounds recently emerging from the country’s vast hinterland are failing to register, despite having risen to a violent and bloody crescendo over the last six months. The forgotten and at times mocked Baloch nationalist has quietly emerged from the shadow of sectarian and international terrorism to stake his own claim on the spoils of a system that is threatening to fall gradually but inevitably apart.
There is serious turmoil in Balochistan, irrespective of whether the rest of the country is willing to acknowledge it.
Over the last six months in particular, Baloch rebels have been hard at work – 153 out of 156 working days, to be precise – planting mines, firing rockets, exploding bombs or ambushing military convoys. Their attacks have turned bloody on at least 25 occasions, killing over 40 persons including military and paramilitary personnel, levies, security agents, government officials and also some civilians. The Sui airport building has been blown up, gas pipelines and electricity grids have been repeatedly hit and bomb explosions have taken place close to the official residences of the chief minister as well as the governor.”
Money, money, money
By M. Ilyas Khan
One reason why the Marris of Kohlu have been resisting oil and gas exploration in their area is the manner in which Sui’s gas reserves were appropriated by Islamabad. Discovered in 1952, five gas wells at Sui presently supply 38 per cent of Pakistan’s domestic and commercial energy needs but only 6 per cent of Balochistan’s population has a gas connection. Ironically, these connections came a decade after gas had been supplied all over Pakistan. In fact, had the Zia regime not decided to set up an army corps headquarters in Quetta, there would still be no gas there. The moral of the story? The project to exploit and distribute gas was dominated by Islamabad, which is in turn dominated by the Punjab, and so the gas went where the Punjab wanted it to go. At least this is what the Baloch argue. And there are few convincing counterpoints to their argument.
Colinisation of Gwadar
By M. Ilyas Khan
In 1992, when former prime minister Nawaz Sharif announced the construction of a deep seaport at Gwadar, the coastal population of Mekran was ecstatic. Some 12 years later, as the dream is about to come true, they seem less happy. The period has seen a land-grabbing stampede by strangers from Sindh and the Punjab, with jobs being doled out from offices in Karachi and the Gwadaris being left with nothing but the looming prospect of mass dislocation.
Much of the problem stems from the failure of the government to involve Gwadar’s people in drawing up the city’s master plan and preparing them for vocations suited to a metropolitan seaport likely to create 2.5 million jobs. On the contrary, every development has come on the spur of the moment, from the top secret drawers of state institutions such as the communications ministry, the national highway authority, the Pakistan Navy and the National Engineering Service of Pakistan. Even the Gwadar district government or the government in Quetta have had no clue.
Army versus the Rebels
By M. Ilyas Khan
Mohammad Hussain used to run Irani petrol from Mand to Turbat, ensuring for himself an average monthly income of around 20,000 rupees. But now he works as a day labourer for a paltry 80 rupees. The reason: the trail of cross-border trade from Iran is getting bloody, thanks to the Frontier Corps’ (FC) increased anti-smuggling vigilance over the last two years.
While the FC cannot be faulted on this score, the problem lies in the fact that the economic lifeline of the former Mekran division has never been serviceable from anywhere except Iran. The coastal highway that connects Gwadar with Karachi is yet to be completed.
Off Centre
By Zaffar Abbas
Would you like to know about the efforts that went into securing the invitations for the ceremony? I hope not, as it would make for a shameful narrative.
Between the lines
By Idrees Bakhtiar
There was never any doubt about it. Aziz was sure to win the by-elections in Attock and Mithi. Who cares if the majority of the people in Mithi had never heard his name nor seen his face even during the election campaign. Still, he was made to score an unprecedented number of votes. The count was precisely 66,582 more votes than Sindh chief minister Arbab Ghulam Rahim bagged when he first won this seat in the 2002 elections. That was the highest number of votes ever won – or claimed to have been won – in the constituency. But Aziz set a new record by polling 154,000 votes.
Is Aziz so popular there, one may ask? Doubtful. As I said before, many people had not even heard his name.
Unanswered Questions
By Amir Mir
The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), one of Pakistan’s premier religious organisations and a key component of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal, may be in for some serious trouble as the government gears up for what appears to be a well-measured operation against the party. Ever since the arrest of al-Qaeda suspect Khalid Sheikh Mohammad from the residence of a Jamaat activist on March 1, 2003, the party’s activities are being closely monitored by the government as well as the FBI.
Security officials requesting anonymity told the Herald that US intelligence officers have already been mandated by the Bush administration to gather enough evidence of the party’s suspected al-Qaeda connections to enable the US State Department to place the organisation on its terror watch list. These sources also claim that the US government’s Office of the Coordinator for Counter-Terrorism is currently busy making detailed inquiries into recent reports of JI office-bearers and cadres providing refuge to fugitive al-Qaeda elements in various parts of the country.
Speaking in the National Assembly on August 13, interior minister Faisal Saleh Hayat asserted that Pakistan’s “religio-political” parties were supporting al-Qaeda. Two days later on August 16, Hayat addressed a press conference at his Parliament House chamber and listed a number of incidences in which JI members had been linked to al-Qaeda, calling on its leadership to explain these connections.
Dawa split may result in violence over division of assets
By Amir Mir
Lahore– The jury is still out on whether Pakistan’s largest jihadi organisation Jamaatul Dawa (JD) has split up because of mounting pressure from the US or simply because of a bad case of office politics. Either way, JD’s amir Professor Hafiz Mohammad Saeed has plenty to worry about. After accusing Saeed of nepotism, misusing resources and straying from the organisation’s founding objectives, disgruntled JD leaders led by Maulana Zafar Iqbal have formed a breakaway faction called Khairun Naas (KN) or People’s Welfare .
Mostly comprising highly-trained fighters belonging to JD’s now-defunct military wing Lashkar-e-Taiba (LT), the KN leadership includes former LT amir Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, JD’s Lahore head Abu Shoaib, the Punjab chief Abu Naser Javed, head of seminaries Maulana Abdul Salam Bhatvi, in-charge publications Ameer Hamza and senior activists Abdul Qadir and Saifullah Mansoor. According to one of Lakhvi’s close associates, the JD headquarters in Muridke and its assets in Azad Kashmir are under KN’s control. “All the al-Dawa model schools, seminaries, hospitals, health centres and other such assets in Sindh are also under Naas’ control,” he adds.
Panchayat decides fate of married girl on the toss of a coin
Shamsul Islam Naz
Faisalabad – Misplaced and repeated panchayat intervention in the affairs of a legally married couple in Jaranwala has brought to the fore the continuing difficulties faced by young people in love. In July 2004, in compliance with a panchayat verdict, Abdul Latif of Jaranwala forced his married daughter Kiran to remarry according to his preference. Since Kiran had not yet divorced her first husband, Abdul Latif’s actions resulted in her being married to two men at the same time. A subsequent panchayat then determined that Kiran’s rightful husband would be decided by the toss of a coin, adding insult to injury and making a mockery of Kiran’s marriage and her life.
Aziz loses moral authority in landslide win
Ali Hassan
The PPP’s apathy became evident soon after Aziz filed his nomination papers. Prominent local leaders held only two public meetings to rally support and the party was conspicuously absent in several areas including Malenhore, Mithi and Diplo. One elder from Malenhore claimed that not a single PPP representative visited the village and throughout the district, local leaders made little effort to arrange room and board for their polling agents. For their part, polling agents were similarly disengaged. According to one PPP supporter, “about 80 per cent of the polling stations were left unattended by PPP workers. A team from Hyderabad was found staying at an Islamkot hotel on polling day instead of going to the polling station assigned to them.”
NWFP minister accused of tampering with electricity meters
Intikhab Amir
Claiming that they had received complaints of over-billing, Pesco officials transferred the Gulbela subdivisional officer Mohammad Jamal and suspended Gulbela subdivision superintendent Mehtab.
“Staff members are seldom suspended on the basis of complaints. The action against Jamal and Mehtab is a departure from the usual practice,” claims a well-placed Pesco source. Moreover, the bureau chief of a national English daily was contacted by the directorate of information and asked not to file the story. The provincial government’s attempts to prevent newspapers from publishing the news in their July 27 edition suggests some wrongdoing on the minister’s part.
Government negligence threatens Sukkur Barrage
Syed Farman Ali Shah
Since the problem was discovered in January 2004, the media has actively highlighted its consequences. Taking note of these warnings, former president Farooq Leghari visited the barrage in early February and subsequently briefed President Musharraf on the gravity of the situation. On President Musharraf’s directive, a team of engineering corps, GHQ, headed by Brigadier Saquib Javed, visited the barrage to evaluate the issue. According to the team’s report, failure to de-silt regularly led to sediment accumulation and the resulting pressure on the gates’ foundations created a ditch that now threatens the entire structure.
Religious activist dies of torture during custody
Shamsul Islam Naz
Arrested on August 13 by an intelligence agency on charges of al-Qaeda connections, Mohammad died of torture injuries sustained during his interrogation. Although there were over 52 marks of torture on his body, including 30 on his private parts, the police blatantly fabricated a story to absolve agency officials. Policemen claim that Mohammad was arrested on August 16 under MPO 16 and that he died of heart failure while in police custody. However, the real circumstances surrounding his mysterious death surfaced only after the release of MMA city president Maulana Obaidullah Garmani and Afghan national Mohammad Imamuddin both of whom had been arrested along with Mohammad.
“If I am a terrorist, the court should hang me”
By Ashfaq Yusufzai
Piracha stepped into politics in 1977 and has had a largely unremarkable career, the only exception being his election to the National Assembly on a Nawaz League (PMLN) ticket in 1997. He has also served as the president of the Jamiat Tulaba-e-Islam, the student wing of Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), for 10 years and enjoyed a relatively brief stint as the provincial chief of the JUI before being ousted by the party chief for acting contrary to policy.
In addition, Piracha has been the chairman of the All Pakistan Sunni Supreme Council since 1979 as well as the chief executive of the Kohat Ahle Sunna wal Jamaat for the last 15 years. For his efforts to contain sectarian tensions in the Kohat, Hangu, Parachinar and Orakzai region, Piracha was awarded a peace prize by the former NWFP chief minister Mir Afzal Khan. By his own admission, however, the centrepiece of Piracha’s work has been to nurture Darul Uloom Anjuman Taleemul Quran, the institution founded by his elders that he has headed for the last 30 years.
In this interview with the Herald, Piracha responds to the charges levelled against him by the government.
Serial Killer on the loose
By Asif Shahzad
Since April this year, five children have been killed and one seriously injured in Muridke, a small town 30 kilometres north of Lahore. All aged between five and eight years, they died of stab wounds inflicted by a sharp-edged weapon in attacks that took place within a one-kilometre radius. While many were convinced that a serial killer was on the loose, the police insisted on treating the issue as a routine matter. And when their ‘investigations’ led them to not one but four suspects, the case was considered as good as solved. However, following a similar attack on five-year-old Ali Haider on August 11, the serial killer theory has started to make more sense than any of the explanations so far offered by the police.
Icy Impasse
By Amir Mir
The two-decade-long conflict over control of the geographically remote and climatically inhospitable Siachen Glacier continues to bleed both Pakistan and India, despite several rounds of talks to resolve the dispute. Since April 1984, when the Indian army established permanent posts on the glacier, the neighbouring countries have been engaged in a military confrontation for control of the icy wasteland.
The longest-running stand-off between two regular armies in the twentieth century, the Siachen conflict has taken a huge human and financial toll. Experts claim that on average, one Pakistani soldier is killed every third day on the glacier, amounting to over 120 casualties each year. The Indian casualty rate is even more alarming: of every two soldiers sent up, one ends up a casualty. That averages out to about 180 deaths a year. According to unofficial figures, over 2,200 Pakistani soldiers have lost their lives on the glacier between 1984 and 2004, the number being 4,000 for the Indians. Over 95 per cent of the casualties on both sides are because of extremely harsh climatic conditions and forbidding terrain.
On the economic front, estimates provided by Pakistani defence experts show that maintaining three battalions at Siachen costs Islamabad approximately 15 million rupees a day, which adds up to a staggering 450 million a month and 5.4 billion a year. For India, on the other hand, the cost of deploying seven battalions amounts to 50 million rupees a day, 1.5 billion a month and 30 billion a year.
Red-letter Days
By Syed Shoaib Hasan
“I still remember how it started,” says Rahim Bux of Basti Thatt, Moaza Chak Dhunwani in Rojhan, Rajanpur. “Two dacoits – Shahmor and Mamik Bangiani – came to the village at around 10 a.m. on August 22, 2003.” Like Rahim Bux, the inhabitants of Basti Thatt are the Mohanas, one of the oldest inhabitants of the region. Hereditary fishermen, they live on the banks of the Indus River on the swathe of land extending from its junction with the Arabian Sea on the Sindh coast right up to the southern reaches of the Punjab. Despite their ancient roots, the Mohanas occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder. This factor, along with their dismal financial status, places them on the receiving end of everyone’s wrath, with or without reason. However, the August 22 incident and what followed thereafter are perhaps the worst examples of what can happen not just to the Mohanas but to anyone who is totally dependent on the jirga system or the government for protection.
In Rajanpur, as indeed in most districts of southern Punjab and upper Sindh, where the power of the sardari and piri systems has ebbed and the state machinery remains ineffective, the dharial or dacoit rules the land. Nothing illustrates this more poignantly than the horror unleashed on Basti Thatt. “The dacoits passed through the village often on their way to Sonmiani and Rahimyar Khan, sometimes using the village as a base for conducting raids,” says Rahim Bux. That said, whatever little resistance the Mohanas put up against the dacoits was solely to ensure that the police, which was conspicuously absent during such incursions, did not harass them later on false charges of complicity.
Trial by Torture
By Arman Sabir
The two men who were burnt to death in police custody on August 23 were lucky. At least the interest groups looking for redressal have the charred corpses to substantiate their claims of inhumane treatment. But scores of other torture victims have little to show by way of evidence. Most are tortured while in illegal detention. Since their apprehension is not on record, it becomes harder to nail the culprits. Making matters worse is the fact that sophisticated interrogators practice torture as an art form: the most accomplished is he who leaves no marks. While advances in medical science have made it possible to detect ‘invisible’ torture, medico-legals are adept at seeing only what they wish to see. As a result, most prisoners withdraw their complaints and join the ranks of the silent victims.
What the eye can’t see
By Arman Sabir
Invisible’ torture techniques came into the public eye during the 1992 operation against the MQM in Karachi. According to procedure, prisoners were interrogated and then prosecuted in court. Since confessions produced through coercive means including torture are invalid, law enforcers could not afford to leave marks. As a result, techniques became more creative with time.
Most are administered when the suspect is naked. “This works best with those who are not hardened criminals,” explains a policeman. “Stripping is considered the height of humiliation and renders the suspect extremely vulnerable and nervous.” Preferred torture methods vary at different police stations. “Most of our techniques are common and safe and are administered by specially trained officers,” reassures another. Every attempt is made to take the requisite precautionary methods. For example, tables, chairs and anything else a suspect can harm himself with are removed. “One has to be extra careful as third-degree torture methods such as severe beatings and suspension are very technical. Even slight mishandling can lead to death,” he warns.
Sleep deprivation is among the most commonly used instruments of torture. All-night interrogations are not unheard of but other variations also exist. For example, the prisoner is provided a heavy meal of his choice – of drugs, if he happens to be an addict – in a bid to induce satiation and thus sleep. At this point, he is thrust into a cold shower and forced to walk around afterwards. Excessive fatigue, gloat policemen, compels the suspect to spout the “real story” or, at least, what his tormentors wish to hear.
Maverick Speed demon Show pony Match winner Immature Fierce Rebellious Deadly
By Saad Sayeed
The adjectives don’t end there. Shoaib Akhtar splits public opinion like few other athletes in Pakistan. Love him or hate him, few can be indifferent. Pakistan cricket’s present enigma, Shoaib’s personality lends itself to criticism: an athlete who enjoys the good life and doesn’t bother to hide it. “I love anything that has to do with speed,” he says. “I like riding bikes and fast cars or indulging in extreme sports such as bungee jumping.”
Speed has been the key in Shoaib’s success. His rise to the top was perhaps the fastest ever seen. Although he had made an impact in Pakistan’s 1998 tour of South Africa, the formidable fast bowling reserves available with the team had left him warming the bench. But when he was brought into the side for the 1999 Asian Test Championship game against India at Kolkata, Shoaib changed the complexion of the match within the space of two deliveries. The first was a late swinger that ripped through Rahul Dravid’s defences, uprooting the leg stump. Sachin Tendulkar walked out to rapturous applause, a moment described by Tony Greig as the one everybody had been waiting for. But the first ball he faced slipped under the bat and shattered the middle stump. Sachin was beaten by sheer pace and even the otherwise gregarious Greig was left speechless.
The new fix
By Huma Yusuf
Irony, as much as election rigging, is an inherent part of Pakistani society. So it is not surprising that with encroaching extremism tugging at our painchas, the opiate for the masses is not religion but cable TV. Over 84 channels of western programming, replete with scientific thought, left-wing news coverage and even porn are available at your fingertips. And let’s not forget the millions of DVDs and VCDs offering as many renditions of the Vande Mataram. Every evening, Pakistanis choose from a smorgasbord of entertainment options and cuddle up with their remotes for an evening of escapism. Until now, the joy of channel surfing in all its unapologetic couch-potato glory has been the main repercussion of this plethora of piracy. But things are about to get serious.
The time has come for the piracy party to call it a night. Starting next year, copyright violations are going to cost Pakistan millions in trade sanctions under the TRIPS agreement.
I find dynamic politics trivial-Zubyr Soomro, Citigroup Country officer
By Sanaa Ahmed
Masks. Bright and austere, ornately carved wood and beaten leather. Cheerful and fierce, avante-garde Cubist and African tribal. The impressive collection is testament to Citibanker Zubyr Soomro’s wanderlust. More compelling, however, is how this penchant for masks betrays the man. Soomro is among the rare bankers who don’t lie. At worst, he’ll evade the question – and charmingly confess later – or laugh diplomatically. His 30-odd years at an institution which encourages transparency and three years in the spotlight as United Bank Limited (UBL) chief have taught him well. The banker is both straight-talking and generous with information. As a person, he is warm and unaffected. His various personae – consummate professional, astute political commentator and involved parent – blend seamlessly. But there’s still no figuring out what makes Zubyr Soomro tick. Hence, the masks.
Catch Me If You Can
By Shamsul Islam Naz
Where is Amjad Farooqi, the alleged al-Qaeda activist who carries a reward of two million rupees on his head and is probably the most wanted man in Pakistan? “For all we know at the moment, he could be anywhere: in Faisalabad, Kamalia, Karachi, Waziristan...” says an intelligence source involved in the countrywide manhunt to net the terrorist mastermind. As time passes, Farooqi’s name is assuming legendary proportions, making it impossible to sift fact from fiction regarding his activities in Pakistan.
The name Amjad Farooqi first appeared in public following the terrorist attack on General Musharraf’s motorcade in Rawalpindi on December 25, 2003. The press quoted officials investigating the attack as saying that Farooqi may have masterminded the attempt on the general’s life. On the night of January 11, police commandos accompanied by contingents of three top security agencies conducted a raid on the residence of Farooqi’s father-in-law in Chak 687/27 GB, tehsil Kamalia, district Toba Tek Singh. They were acting on a tip, which one official says came from an authentic source, that Farooqi may be holed up at his in-laws’ house. The tip, however, turned out to be a hoax. Since then, admit official circles, the police and the country’s three prime intelligence agencies, as well as the American Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), have raided about 50 hideouts across the country without coming within striking distance of Farooqi’s trail.
History Through Dior Glasses
By Themrise Khan