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Highlights of the February 2010 issue
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Zardari Strikes Back
By Muhammad Badar Alam
Zardari’s Punjab visit was part of his
counter-attack to the establishment’s moves against him. Will he succeed
without the support of the province’s influential middle class?
Before President Asif Ali Zardari started his Punjab visit in the second
week of January, the provincial government made it clear that he was not
welcome in Lahore. Only days before Zardari’s arrival in the province,
Shahbaz Sharif, the Punjab chief minister reiterated once again in an
interview to a television channel that he could never trust Zardari who
treated politics as business. He “offered me a business deal,” Shahbaz
Sharif said. Giving the details of the “deal”, the chief minister said it
involved accepting an extension in the tenure of Abdul Hameed Dogar, the
then Supreme Court (SC) chief justice in return for overturning the
disqualification of Shahbaz Sharif and his elder brother Nawaz Sharif from
contesting elections.
Between 2009 when the “business deal” was offered and now, 2010, a lot has
changed though quite a substantial amount remains the same. Now the boot is
literally on the other foot. In the first months of the previous year,
Sharifs were on the receiving end of the courts’ verdicts, now Zardari is;
last year, the two brothers were out in the streets rallying support for
their political survival, now Zardari is.


The New Turf War
By Mansoor Khan
The violence
that engulfed Lyari in January points to the opening of a new front in Karachi’s
ethnic wars
Karachi had not even begun recovering from the bomb attack on an Ashura
procession on December 28, and from the arson that followed, when another form
of violence engulfed the city. A spate of killings erupted in certain localities
and one of the worst hit areas was Lyari, where about 50 lives were lost in the
first ten days of the month [confirm in Lyari alone?]. The incidents grew so
severe that at a hastily arranged press conferences, the PPP and the MQM, the
two main coalition parties in the Sindh government, came together in an apparent
show of unity and ostensibly to offer explanations.
Nonetheless, the causes of the conflict remain unclear. Lyari’s violence has
variously been attributed – depending on who is offering the explanation - to
criminal gangs, land and drug mafias, political parties and ethnic groups. The
murders have been called “target killings”, but it is clear that some innocent
people who were not party workers or gang members were killed in the crossfire.


Controversy: The Missing Smiles
By Muhammad Badar Alam
A high-profile philanthropic
organisation, which had been set up with great fanfare a few years ago, is
plagued with allegations of mismanagement of donated funds
Allegations of non-transparency, mismanagement, misuse of money and
exploitation of its prospective beneficiaries have lost the Depilex SmileAgain
Foundation (DSF) the support of its main backers and donors. The Italian
government and an Italian non-profit organisation, SmileAgain Italia, are no
longer supporting DSF set up for treatment and rehabilitation of women acid and
burns victims in Pakistan. According to documents in the Herald’s possession,
the Italian ambassador to Pakistan in a letter dated January 22, 2010 to Dr
Giuseppe Lo Sasso, a member of SmileAgain Italia, had stated: “We had to take
note of the charge of non-transparency [against DSF].”
On April 11, 2004, Clarice Felli, the head of SmileAgain Italia, had signed an
agreement with the Depilex Beauty Clinic and Institute, represented by its
founder and well-known beautician, Masarrat Misbah, to create DSF. The latter
was registered as a non-profit private limited company under the Companies
Ordinance 1984 on January 10, 2005, documents seen by the Herald reveal. The
agreement gave Misbah and Depilex the financial and management control of the
project in Pakistan but also bound them to the principles and constitution of
SmileAgain Italia.


Focus: Treatment for All
By Umer Farooq
As increasing numbers of
civilians and security personnel are injured in Pakistan’s war against
militancy, an international humanitarian agency has opened a facility to
treat victims of bomb blasts, artillery shelling, landmines and gunshot
wounds free of charge
The neat regular rows of the makeshift hospital belie the dreadful sights
that await one behind the curtains of its tented units. A spotless 15-bed
unit is reserved for those recovering from injuries caused by bomb blasts,
artillery shells, landmines, bullets and explosives. One of them is
35-year-old truck driver Mohammad Abdullah, the victim of a suicide bombing.
It was difficult to keep one’s gaze steady — despite being heavily bandaged;
it was obvious that the bones in the frontal part of Abdullah’s skull were
missing while his left eyeball had been scooped out to leave a hollow socket
behind. Since his admission, the nursing staff has been very careful to keep
a mirror out of his reach.
En route to Punjab from Miranshah (North Waziristan Agency), Abdullah had
made a pit stop at a serai adjacent to a police station in Bannu city. “I
was having a cup of tea when a suicide bomber hit the police station,” he
says. A nurse at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
Surgical Hospital for Weapon-Wounded in Peshawar recalls when Abdullah was
brought to the hospital last year: “He was in a bad shape: the front of his
cranium had been blown off with the impact and the brain matter could be
seen below.”


A Ripple in the Pond
The 2006 Gharib Sons case stands out
because it showed that the collective efforts of affected families, civil
society and the media can make a difference and ensure that justice is done
It was a balmy afternoon in March 2006 when some 20 children, all under 15
years of age, played cricket on plots F-620 and F-621 in Site Town. But the
harmless afternoon fun turned into tragedy in moments as they unknowingly
ran straight into toxic waste. Each of them sustained second- and
third-degree burns. “I saw my son Iftikhar writhe in pain. He would cry
incessantly and I could do nothing. I sat there helplessly as he died,”
recalls Mohammad, father of Iftikhar who was part of the group that
afternoon. Iftikhar succumbed to his injuries on April 28, 2006. Another
child, Shiraz, survived but had to have his hands and legs amputated. “He
will have to live with the disability for the rest of his life,” says
Nur-ul-Rahman, a nurse and a community leader.
The death of Iftikhar and the injuries of the other affected children caught
the attention of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan; its investigations
revealed that dumping of toxic waste has been the norm for quite sometime.
But according to a 2006 report of the Collective for Social Science Research
(CSSR), “it was the first time that such toxic and harmful substance had
been dumped there ... certain areas [were] filled up and leveled recently
... the factory owners [then] dumped mud over the hazardous toxic waste to
cover it up and hide it ... and the plot was cordoned off by a wall [after
the incident].”


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