Highlights of the July 2005 issue
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Back to camp
By Zulfiqar Ali
An hour’s drive north-west of Mansehra, opposite a beautiful village nestled on the slopes of a ridge, a jeep track branches off from the road and snakes up a hill that is home to the oldest militant training camp in the region."Until 2001, thousands of fighters trained here for operations in Kashmir and Afghanistan," says our guide, requesting that his name and that of his organisation be withheld. After the September 11, 2001, attacks in America, though, the militants’ activities dwindled. Last year, the camp was abandoned following an unequivocal warning from the government. “But now we can start again,” he says. According to a top manager of the training camp in Mansehra, all the major militant organisations, including Hizbul Mujahideen, al-Badr Mujahideen, Harkatul Mujahideen and others, began regrouping in April this year by renovating training facilities that were deserted last year.
Ironically, this regrouping comes amid the high-profile composite dialogue with India and when institutional arrangements for non-interference in Afghanistan have been put in place. Previously, these two countries have been the target of Islamic militancy. The top Indian leadership has so far not reacted strongly to reports of militant infiltration across the Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir, probably because it has not exceeded the levels of previous years. But Islamabad has recently been under fire from Kabul over its alleged support for the Taliban insurgency that has claimed a record number of civilian, Afghan and American lives this year.
Off Center
By Zaffar Abbas
Having been a witness to almost all the key constitutional battles fought since democracy was restored in the post-Zia period, I have puzzled endlessly over the ease with which the apex court has dished out conflicting verdicts in similar cases. I saw how the move to dismiss Benazir Bhutto’s government under a particular constitutional clause was upheld by their lordships. And then, I saw the president’s decision to dismiss another government headed by Nawaz Sharif under the same clause being declared unconstitutional. Yet again, similar presidential action against the second Bhutto government was upheld.
Newspeak
By Ali Ahsan Halai
On the face of it, these sound like noble goals. The men whose opinions need to be swayed are the leaders of the eight most powerful nations on the planet. And when they gather this year at the annual Groupf of Eight (G8) summit on July 6, they will be faced with a petition signed by millions of people who all wish to achieve these goals. Tony Blair was magnanimous enough to place world poverty on the G8 agenda. And by June 9, the finance ministers of seven of these eight countries had already promised debt relief to these African nations if certain conditions were met. But this is where the catch is.
Collateral Damage
By Ayesha Tammy Haq
And do we in fact – at least in the vicinity of Zamzama Boulevard – have a heightened sense of style? Before pondering such a weighty matter, it is important to clarify what we mean by a sense of style.
Does it mean that we slavishly follow fashion trends as dictated by local style gurus and the people we aspire to be? Can that be true if our style gurus servilely follow Indian style gurus themselves? Once the border opens and trade flows without restrictions, our fashionistas should be warned that they might need to find that spark of originality that is currently missing.
For the Record
By Zulfiqar Ali in Muzaffarabad
The Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), a leading pro-independence group, has admitted for the first time that its cadres were initially trained in arms and guerilla warfare by Pakistan’s main spy agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The training was imparted during the late 1980s under a deal between the ISI and the JKLF. The chief of the JKLF, Amanullah Khan, has said that the deal struck in 1987 carried the approval of General Ziaul Haq, the military ruler at the time. Khan’s revelations constitute part of the second volume of his autobiography titled Jahd-e-Musalsal or ‘The Unending Struggle’, which was formally launched in Islamabad on June 25. In his book, Khan claims that the ISI first established contact with the JKLF in early 1987 through the organisation’s senior leader Dr Farooq Haider. Khan had just been deported from England and was in Karachi when he received Haider’s message regarding the ISI’s proposal. Although Khan initially asked Haider to finalise the deal with the ISI, he himself held meetings with the Pakistani officials at a later date.Apparently, the deal was struck following an understanding on the part of Pakistani officials that the ideological indoctrination of recruits would be an internal matter of the JKLF in which the ISI would not interfere. The JKLF was to recruit militants in Indian-administered Kashmir, bring them across the Line of Control (LoC) and deliver them to the ISI for training. Besides training, the ISI was also to provide weapons and logistical support to facilitate the launch of those militants in Indian–administered Kashmir to spark an insurgency.
Under Wraps
By Syed Shoaib Hasan
Although the governments of the US and Pakistan claim otherwise, a major portion of the Pakistani al-Qaeda network remains largely intact four years after the 9/11 attacks. A reason for this is that while the main thrust of both Washington and Islamabad has been on capturing or killing “foreign militants”, including Arabs, Chechens and Uzbeks, Pakistani militant organisations have not been pursued. Outfits such as the Harkatul Mujahideen (HUM) and the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JM) continue to have a strong presence in the country although both have been accused of involvement in the assassination attempts on General Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz.This is not to say that the Pakistani authorities have not made any attempt to hold the two militant outfits down. Both organisations have been banned by Islamabad and on various occasions, the law-enforcing agencies have cracked down on their offices and recruitment centres. But there is no evidence that either organisations has been struck a decisive blow. This state of affairs is in direct contrast with the fate of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, which was run into the ground. The organisation’s top tier leadership, including militants Riaz Basra, Akram Lahori, Qari Abdul Hai and Malik Ishaq, is either dead or behind bars. But action against the JM has been confined to its middle-ranking leaders such as Amjad Hussain Farooqi – who was killed in a dubious ‘encounter’ in Nawabshah – and Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh, who has been incarcerated in the Daniel Pearl murder case. On the other hand, HUM has not even been harassed to that extent. As such, the main hierarchy of these organisations, including their top leaders Maulana Fazlur Rahman Khalil and Maulana Masood Azhar, remain at large.
Controversy: SWEPTUNDER THE RUG
By Nadeem Saeed
The government fails to silence Mukhtar Mai and instead sparks an international outcryDespite propagating ‘enlightened moderation’ as his agenda of choice, General Pervez Musharraf deemed it fit to resort to questionable means to prevent Mukhtar Mai, the victim of the Meerwala gang-rape case, from travelling to the US in July. Ironically, this step ensured Pakistan more bad press than Musharraf says he meant to avoid by preventing her from speaking abroad.
In what could have proved to be a respite from her legal battles back home, Mukhtar Mai was invited to speak about her social work efforts in Houston on July 2 alongside scholar and political activist Abid Hassan Minto, the Aurat Foundation’s Anis Haroon and MNA Liaquat Baloch. Her invitation came from the Asian-American Network Against Abuse of Women (ANAA), which advocates the rights of Pakistani women. But before Mukhtar Mai could even pack her suitcase, she was paid an unexpected midnight visit by the police on June 3 at her house in Meerwala.
Uneven Split
By Sabihuddin Ghausi
On May 30, General Pervez Musharraf took on the responsibility of an arbitrator for the National Finance Commission (NFC). This blind move could prove costly for both him and his government because the NFC award, which lays down the basic formula for the distribution of resources between the federation and its constituents, has remained one of the most explosive issues in Pakistan’s history. After the four finance ministers failed to reach a consensus on a new resource distribution arrangement at an informal meeting on May 30, it was decided that the NFC would authorise President Musharraf to present his verdict on the matter. The ministers pledged to honour the president’s decision and reportedly agreed to put their signatures to the verdict when it came in the shape of a final NFC award.But how will Musharraf arrive at a verdict in this hotly contested debate? Sindh Finance Minister Syed Sardar Ahmed articulated one possibility at a post-budget conference held on June 11. Sardar Ahmed was asked for his reaction in the event that Musharraf’s verdict on the NFC falls short of Sindh’s expectations. “Who am I to decide?” replied an embarrassed Sardar Ahmed, asserting that this was a decision for the entire cabinet to take. He hastily added, however, that any decision on resource distribution that fell short of Sindh’s expectations would “create a feeling of deprivation”.
Elbowed Out
By Rishad Mahmood
Frequent allegations of chucking against Pakistan bowlers will continue until the PCB reforms domestic coaching practices and enforces ICC regulationsLike a cold sore, accusations of chucking or illegal bowling by Pakistani players keep resurfacing, much to the discomfort of the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB). Recent objections registered by International Cricket Council (ICC) umpires Darrel Hair and David Shepherd against fast bowler Shabbir Ahmed for chucking during the Barbados Test mark the eighth instance in less than six years in which a Pakistani bowler has been cited for such an offence. The list of chuckers or bowlers reported for suspect action while representing Pakistan in international matches since 1999 includes leading players such as Shoaib Akhtar, Shahid Afridi, Shoaib Malik and Mohammad Hafeez. As a result of this embarrassing sequence, the poor standards of domestic cricket have been brought into sharp focus.
With the Barbados charge, Ahmed has achieved a hat-trick of the shameful chucking offences during his short, nine-Test career. The accusations have propelled him into the league of the worst violators of the bowling code, a dubious distinction he shares with Sri Lankan spin wizard Muttiah Muralitharan, who has also been reported on three occasions. “These chucking charges are extremely disturbing,” says PCB chairman Shaharyar Khan. “The PCB is keen to root out the menace and has adopted emergency as well as long-term measures to curb the practice. But I feel that the National Cricket Academy (NCA) as well as qualified coaches across the country need to play a role in permanently eradicating the problem.” Khan believes that the PCB can avert the crisis by taking prompt steps. “Our former players and experts are working with bowlers who have a suspect action and the players are improving. Ahmed, like Akhtar and Malik before him, is currently undergoing tests in England and at home under the supervision of an ICC-approved expert in a bid to correct his action.”
“My ghazals were appreciated the most when I sang the verse of great poets”
By Rishad Mahmood
“Roshan jamal-e-yaar se hai anjuman tamam,” wrote Hasrat Mohani some 70 years ago. Five decades later, musical legend Mehdi Hasan immortalised the eccentric Muslim scholar’s lucid poetry about the beloved. To say that Mohani’s remarkable words are in many ways a befitting tribute to the Rajasthan-born crooner himself, now 75 years old, would be an understatement. After all, Hasan has enjoyed fame of mythic proportions during an illustrious career spanning four decades. Gifted with a sonorous baritone equalled only by the late K.L. Saigol and boasting an unmatched repertoire, Hasan remains the ultimate icon of ghazal singing in the subcontinent. Not since the glory days of Barkat Ali Khan and Begum Akhtar in the 1930s has the genre been blessed by such a maestro.Unfazed by a lukewarm response to his debut in the mid-1950s, Hasan rose to superstardom in 1962 with a soulful rendition of Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s epic “Guloon mein rang bhare”, which broke sales records throughout Pakistan. In 1977, Hasan’s captivating performance in New Delhi drew unparalleled praise from the great Lata Mangeshkar: “Aisa lagta hai ke un ke gale mein Bhagwan bolta hai” (It seems as if a god’s voice issues from his throat). Indeed, Hasan’s memorable ghazals such as “Nawak andaz jidhar deeda-e-janan honge”, “Dekh to dil ke jaan se uthta hai”, “Koo baku phail gayee baat shanasayee ki”, “Ranjish hee sahi” and others are benchmarks in the annals of music. Over the years, his recordings have refined the popular genre of Urdu poetry and subsequently enthralled connoisseurs.
Living Legend
By Sabina Qazi
Even in death Madam Noor Jehan seems larger than life. With the release of her granddaughter Sonya Jehan’s cinematic debut Taj Mahal only a month away, viewers are doing double takes as promos for the film flash across the small screen. Many argue that Sonya is a reincarnation of her grandmother while others insist that she is very much her French mother Florence’s daughter. But regardless of the conflicting perceptions, the uncanny resemblance between Noor Jehan and Sonya remains startling.A gilt-edged frame encasing a photograph of a young Noor Jehan is propped up on a corner table in Florence’s living room. As if to make a point, a recent picture of Sonya has been tucked into the left-hand corner of the frame. She stares into space, mimicking her grandmother’s stance and unfathomable expression. It is hard to tell how different the women’s thoughts were when being photographed as Sonya’s portrait is in vivid colour while Noor Jehan has to be content with black and white. What is clear, though, is that the divas are equally beautiful, despite, or because of, Sonya’s sharper and more defined nose, inherited from her mother.
This June evening, Sonya waltzes into the room, apologising for being late. Even in the dully-lit room, it is hard to miss the healthy glow of Sonya’s skin and the fact that her face is completely make-up free. Sporting a white skirt and sleeveless green T-shirt, she looks no more than 21 years old. After neatly tucking her skirt beneath her calves, Sonya settles on the sofa and flips open a cigarette pack. “No boring questions, okay?” she says in a firm yet polite tone. But as she nods her head, chandelier earrings tinkling softly, it becomes clear that she speaks half in jest, suspending her notoriously haughty demeanour.
Of course, Sonya has never been ordinary. Those who remember her as a schoolgirl at the Centre for Advanced Studies or The Lyceum, where she did her A-levels, know that she was always ‘Noor Jehan’s granddaughter’ and therefore unapproachable. In an effort to compensate for her claim to fame, Sonya remained aloof, preferring to stick to her exclusive coterie. But the fact that she was one of the most attractive girls in school aroused jealousy and she was soon branded a snob.