Highlights of the May 2009 issue
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S ecurity:
Red Alert
By Umer Farooq
The return of Lal Masjid’s Maulana Abdul Aziz to Islamabad appears to have
been the result of prolonged and intense negotiations
Maulana Abdul Aziz, the Lal Masjid cleric, whose burqa-clad appearance on
state-owned television is etched in memory, is now back in Islamabad,
preaching and teaching in the heart of the capital city. The way to his
release was paved when the prosecuting lawyer failed to appear before the
Supreme Court in four of the most crucial cases of murder and kidnapping the
firebrand cleric was facing. Less than a week later, on April 16, 2009, Aziz
was granted bail for a less serious crime that was the last hurdle between
him and freedom. However, it is evident that this release was the result of
prolonged and intense negotiations.


Special report: Whose Turf
is it Anyway?
By Mansoor Khan
A power struggle is at the root of the recent violence in Karachi
Khuda Ki Basti, Taiser Town, was till recently the true land of God. Home to
both the Christian and Pakhtun communities, it had never witnessed clashes
between its multi-faith inhabitants. But all this changed when, on April 22,
residents woke up to find pro-Taliban graffiti on their walls. The offensive
statements, which also found their way onto a church wall, provoked the normally
peaceful Christian residents into staging a demonstration. They chanted slogans
against the Taliban and burnt tires. Firing near the protestors led to the death
of two children and rioting in which property was damaged and destroyed.
A spontaneous combustion in which a series of incidents and coincidences led to
unrest? This stands true only when the event is viewed from a distance. A closer
study raises many questions. It is not clear what prompted the Christians to
start the protest or who was behind the graffiti.


The Business of Politics
By Mansoor Khan
Extortion and land grabbing are symptoms of ethnic
tensions in Karachi and not its causes
A growing extortion racket might be leading to ethnic tension in the city. A
newly-strengthened ethnic group, under the cover of its main political
party, has been distributing parchies among the city’s shopkeepers and other
businessmen. These slips of paper communicate the amount demanded by the
group. The amount can range from five thousand to a million rupees depending
on the size of the business. If the recipient does not pay up, the
consequences can be violent.
Two businessmen in different commercial areas of the city, were reportedly
killed when they refused to pay and spoke up against the extortionists. The
police remained silent, portraying both the murders as cases of personal
enmity. Qari Saleem, a Bahadurabad shopkeeper, says that the miscreants
distributed 25,000-rupee parchies among shops in the area. When the Herald
contacted senior officials of the relevant political party, they declined to
claim these miscreants as their activists.


Cover: Crime Inc.
By Moosa Kaleem
I had lost track of the number of times that I had put my notebook under my
seat during the trip from Sukkur to Jacobabad. It was my most precious
belonging as it contained all the notes I had made so far. The hi-roof van I
was travelling in had 20 other passengers. They too held on to their
belongings. Our watchful eyes skirted the road and its periphery as our
driver sped, trying to make it to our destination before nightfall. It was
an ordinary day and the faces around me were no less ordinary — but no one
could say that we were travelling in ordinary circumstances. But then this
is how anyone, ordinary or special, travels in interior Sindh on any given
day.


Guest Column: Lost in Transition
Mohammad A. Qadeer
Even as Pakistan’s urban centres grow in size and
numbers and the lifestyles undergo a radical transformation, our social life and
moral order remains steeped in rural traditions of the past
Almost everybody in Pakistan has been drawn into the urban way of life. With
the exception of those living in the remote parts of the country, all others
including those who ostensibly live in villages have been swept into the
monetary economy, the division of labour, specialisation of occupations,
mobility and access to radio as well as television. Our way of life has been
more or less urbanised. This is how our “lived” life has become but in our
conceptions and in our moral notions (ideas of right and wrong) we remain,
by and large, agrarian and tribal. It is particularly true of those
demanding Islamic laws in general and the Taliban in particular. This
contradiction in our lived versus imagined life is a source of many of our
problems, not least in our politics.


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