Lack of success in states cost Muslim League dearly
By Dr Ansar Zahid Khan
South Asia had never been a monolithic administrative unit even during the ancient and medieval periods. When Akbar tried to eradicate Muslim princely states he had also to compromise with Rajput states and confirmed their retention by their ruling houses under the euphemism of watan jagirs. Of course they were already enrolled as mansabdars, contributed to the defense of the empire and were assigned duties for which he made the rulers reside with a specified number of troops, at their own expense, at the capital Agra.
With the advent of the British, one witnesses interchanging phases of annexation and consolidation till 1857 made them give up the policy of further annexation (Queen's proclamation 1858). In this way more than 600 units (Princely states) were left, nearly 20% area of the sub-continent and 90-93 million people to serve as buffer zones against the future threats of national uprisings. With the largest of them the crown entered into formal treaties retaining paramountcy and allowing the states internal autonomy and in a few cases even having power of minting their own currency. However, they had to give up defence, foreign affairs and had to accept stationing of a Resident British Officer and British troops at their expense. Like the policy of Akbar it secured states' loyalty plus Powerful Residents controlling the rulers.
When near the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries political parties like All India National Congress (1855) and All India Muslim League (1906) were organized, they primarily were meant for the political awakening of British India only and kept themselves aloof from interfering in the affairs of the Princely sates. In the Dhaka meeting or convention in 1906 where All India Muslim League was founded, Mohamed Ali B.A. Oxon (The future Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar) was mentioned as a states' representative from Baroda. It appears that his inclusion was more on personal status than as a representative of the states, more so when he resigned from Baroda's service and became a journalist based at Calcutta. In this way these states remained as isolated units uninfluenced by political movements like the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation of the twenties and others. In the Lucknow Pact (1916) also there is no reference to them. However, the Aryasamaj (founded 1873) engaged in proselytizing and pro-Hinduism movements all over India including the states --- like conversion of Muslim peasantry and replacement of Persian and Urdu with Hindi --- the foundation stone of modern Hindutava. One may say that it was greatly responsible for generating communal tensions all over India.
With the introduction of Montagu Reforms (1919) attention was beginning to be paid to the states. The states themselves were anxious for new means of communication, industrial and commercial developments were already breaking their protective isolation from the rest of India. For safeguarding their common interests in 1921 they organized a Chamber of Princes under the presidentship of the Viceroy and an elected Chancellor because they felt that their common interests have to be protected. But initially, rather mainly, it remained ineffective.
The imminent introduction of the Federal format by the Simon Commission Report and Round Table Conferences (1931-33) made the participation of states an important issue. Initially the British Government wanted to preserve them as a conservative bulwark against the rising nationalist fervour in the rest of India. In the 1935 Act they were considered as necessary component of the future Federal structure and were granted 1/3 representation with the overriding condition that without their participation the Federal Scheme at Centre would not be implemented. The states dithered perhaps afraid of losing their autonomous character. So the talks failed and the Central Government remained unchanged. Reluctance of these states to change or adjust later made the British Government also to lose interest in their future.
The Congress leadership inspired by the socialist thinking of Jawahar Lal Nehru allied with Gandhiji realised the importance of these states for an independent India. In 1927 the All India States' Peoples' Conference was organized with Jawahar Lal Nehru as its president. Its immediate aim was to press for political reforms in the form of representative assemblies. The movement was first launched from Gujerat and in some states like Hyderabad it developed into resistant rebellious movements. By forties it has begun to put forward the idea of merging the smaller states into neighbouring provinces and combining the bigger ones into autonomous units.
With the approach of independence it became more demanding. In 1946 Pandit Nehru warned in the annual session of the Conference that those states who would not join the Constituent Assembly 'would be regarded as hostile.' Finally with the help of Lord Mountbatten they succeeded in making most of them join the Federation and those who opted otherwise were dealt with militarily.
As stated earlier the British Government too had changed its earlier instance. Though Lord Linlithgow and Wavell tried to keep the princes pacified so much so that Bhopal, then elected Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes, was still trying to arrange some sort of union of the states in 1947.
The All India Muslim League dealt with the states in quite a different manner. It is said that in 1934 an amendment was adopted in the Constitution of the Muslim League and all references to the Princely states were deleted. As this was the year when Quaidi-Azam was invited by the two rival groups of the League to lead it as a united party, the amendment might have his sanction at least. Perhaps the change was made in 1937 when a new constitution was adopted. Henceforth upto 1947 and even later it refused to entertain any reference to the states or attempts at affiliation of any states' Muslim political associations. However the activities of Arya Samaj, Hindu Mahasabha and All India States People's Conference supported by the Congress had also made the Muslims of the states apprehensive and active. There were individual leaders who founded several Muslim organizations. Most important of them was Anjuman Ittihad-i-Muslimeen of Hyderabad. Under the leadership of Nawab Bahadur Yar Jang it became very active. Bahadur Yar Jang's oratorical skills from Milad and Sirat Conferences made him a known figure all over India. He though not a member of the All India Muslim League was invited to the sessions and meetings of the All India Muslim League to address the people in support of the demand for Pakistan. He found the problems faced by the ruling Muslim minority in Hyderabad more widespread and in some cases very severe in most of the other states. Therefore, perhaps with the consent of Quaid-i-Azam, in 1940 he announced establishment of the All India States' Muslim League whose first session was held along with that of Muslim League at Lahore. He tried to collect the data about the condition of Muslims in various states that became the basis of the joint demands of these Muslim minorities living all over these states from Kashmir to Coimbtore and Cochin --- (present Kerala). These were reservations of seats for Muslims in representative bodies, quota in services, enforcement of Muslim family laws for Muslims and preservation of Urdu. They resemble the demands of the All India Muslim League when it was representing them as a minority and was demanding safeguards before the miraculous and awakening movement in 1939-40 when it realized that it was not a minority but a nation which needs its own homeland.
In the first session of All India States' Muslim League held in 1940 Bahadur Yar Jang was elected its president, a constitution was approved with a Working Committee and Council appointed by the President. The office was first established in Bhopal then shifted to Nagpur. Mr. Mahmudul Hasan was made acting Secretary and then Secretary. The existing Muslim associations were affiliated without any change of the name. Two other annual sessions of the States' League were held along with the sessions of All India Muslim League in 1941, 1943. Bahadur yar Jang as well as the leadership of the All India Muslim League were at pains to point out its separate entity. However, the All India Muslim League appeared to be more fond of Bahadur Yar Jang's oratorical powers than his efforts for safeguarding the interests of Muslims in states.
In the political field as long as the fate of the states was not clear it continued to make efforts. But its loosely organized structure and virtually no support from the All India Muslim League made it ineffective. The death of Bahadur Yar Jang in 1944 gave it a severe blow. However, it continued to exist with Manzar Alam of Gwalior as president. But after independence the whole structure disintegrated. The states became part of India and the demands for the separate elections etc. were given a fatal blow with dire results for the Muslims of these states. Moreover the main leaders left for Pakistan to complete its demise except in the Cochin state (now part of Kerala) where it still exists but as a regular political party i.e. All India Muslim League.
The All India Muslim League appears to have paid no attention to the demands of Muslims of the states though it tried and received support from them in the form of donations etc. Why did it ignore the states? It cost dearly to the new state of Pakistan which also failed to forge a clear cut policy about states, which later became a festering problem.
— The author is the General Secretary and Director of Research Pakistan Historical Society, Karachi.