December 30, 2006

Acommonly believed view about the Frontier Muslim League is that of all the political organisations in Frontier, it was the last to take a start. Some are of the opinion that by the time it emerged on the political scene of the N-WFP, the struggle for freedom was over and it reaped the harvest sowed by others. This is absolutely correct that the growing strength of the Muslim League in the Frontier is late phenomenon, but the truth is that it was the first organised Muslim political party to be established in the N-WFP having been established in 1912.

The second decade of the 20th century was of immense importance to the people of N-WFP. It provided great opportunities to the Frontier Muslims to share the vicissitudes of the Muslim world and to forge unity with their co-religionists in the rest of the country fore the cause of pan-Islamism. Events in Turkey leading to its disintegration, occupation of Tripoli (1911) the Balkan Wars (1912-13) and the Russian advances in the Northern Persia (1913) were some of the main issues which proved full of anxiety and great concern to the Frontier Muslims who regarded these developments as a 'Christian conspiracy against Islam'. Alarmed at these, the young educated Peshawaris decided to start a branch of Muslim League in the Frontier. In 1912 they established the League in Peshawar with the following as the office bearers:

Mian Abdul Aziz (president); Qazi Abdul Wali (vice president); Sayyid Ali Abbas Bokhari (general secretary); Qazi Mir Ahmad (joint secretary); and, Hakim Mohammad Amin (treasurer). Both Aziz and Bokhari participated in the Agra session of AIML. Bokhari also represented the Frontier as a delegate to its Bombay session (1915). Formal contact between Bokhari and Wazir Hasan, general secretary of AIML was established in 1914. As the anti-Turkey feeling progressed in Europe, this group became more extremist in their hatred of the British imperialism in India. During the war years the British could not tolerate these 'extremists' in a sensitive area i,e, the N-WFP. The government decided to ban the activities of these pan-Islamists. Hence the organisation was nipped in the bud. After banning the organisation, the government intended to arrest the organisers. Bokhari escaped to Afghanistan. Qazi Wali was jailed during the war period. Mian Abdul Aziz left for Bombay and Qazi Mir Ahmad abandoned politics.

The N-WFP was an overwhelmingly Muslim majority province with 93% of the population being Muslims. There was no fear of 'Islam in danger' in the N-WFP, that's being the main reason the League failed initially in mobilising the Muslim public opinion in its favour. The popularity of the Khudai Khidmatgars, a social-reform movement led by Abdul Ghaffar Khan, was another major obstacle in the rise of Muslim League in the Frontier. After the tragic firing incident of the Qissa Khwani Bazaar on 23rd April 1930, which resulted in the killing of more than two hundred people in one day, the Khudai Khidmatgars affiliated their organisation with the Indian National Congress. Till 1947 this affiliation continued.

Under the Government of India Act 1935 elections to the provincial legislatures were announced. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the new president of the Muslim League decided to tour the provinces regarding the electioneering and also to provide a boost to the organisation. In this connection, he also visited the N-WFP in October 1936. He remained at Peshawar for a week, tried to re-organise the League but did not succeed. Factionalism and rivalry between the various local Muslims contesting for power in Peshawar was the major reason. Not even a single candidate contested the elections on the Muslim League ticket.

The year 1937 witnessed the resurgence of Muslim League in the N-WFP in the real earnest. In September 1937, a Provincial branch of the Muslim League was formed at Abbotabad. The ulama played a key role in the formation of this branch of the Muslim League. Maulana Mohammad Shuaib became the president of the Frontier Muslim League. In October 1937, a branch of the Frontier League was started in Peshawar; followed by branches at Hazara, Mardan, and Bannu districts in November 1937 and at Kohat in July 1938.

During 1937-1939, the first Congress ministry remained in power in the N-WFP. Dr. Khan Sahib, the elder brother of Abdul Ghaffar Khan was the Chief Minister. Khan Ministry took several steps to curtail the privileges of nobility, majority being big Khans and Nawabs. Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan who died in December 1937, was the only rallying point for these Khans who were perturbed by the anti-Khan measures of the Frontier Congress Ministry. After the death of Sir Sahibzada, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, who was only second to Sahibzada in his party, was approached and convinced to join the League, which he did accordingly.

In the absence of any other political party, alarmed by the anti-Khans measures of the Congress ministry, the landed elite, majority being Big Khans flocked into the newly-organised Frontier Muslim League, which they had earlier regarded as an organisation of a 'few un-influential people'. 'The old-fashioned Khans', reported Sir George Cunningham, the N-WFP Governor, 'who had hardly heard the name of the League six months ago, now refer to it freely as an ordinary topic of conversation….' Initially, their joining of the Muslim League was not because of their sympathy with its ideology and party programme, i,e., to protect and safeguard the Muslim interest, which was an issue in Muslim-minority provinces, but because this being the only political platform which could protect them from the Congress onslaught in the N-WFP. Therefore, the presence of such a great number of Khans and other wealthy people in the League, frequently using their cars for travelling purposes, earned for the organisation the title 'Motor League' and it was generally referred to as an association, 'the drawing room organisation of some important Muslims'. However, their joining Muslim League in large number has some positive effects on the organisation. These Khans brought with them their core group of personal retainers and traditional followers which proved a real source of power to the Frontier Muslim League. This eventually resulted in providing the Muslim League an opportunity to contest, and, surprisingly, win three of the four contested seats during by-elections to the Frontier assembly in spring 1938.

On the outbreak of Second World War (September 1939), as a protest, the Congress ministries in seven out of eleven provinces in British India resigned. On 7th November 1939, following the other Congress ministries the N-WFP Congress ministry under Dr. Khan Sahib also resigned. Seeing no prospects for the formation of an alternative ministry, at least for the time being, Cunningham assumed full powers and prorogued the Legislative Assembly indefinitely and proclaimed Governors Rule in the N-WFP.

During the War period an important feature of the British policy was to install as many non-Congress ministries in the provinces as possible to show to the outside world that despite the non-co-operation of the INC the general public opinion in India was still to their side and generously contributed to the Allied war efforts. In this connection, after hectic efforts, they installed a League ministry in the N-WFP under Sardar Aurangzeb Khan. Although Sardar Aurangzeb remained the League Chief Minister of the Frontier Province for about two years, his various practices, including nepotism and misuse of official power, gave a bad name to the organisation.

No wonders, the League in the N-WFP was termed as an 'organization with sound principles in unworthy hands'. 'In the Frontier', it was argued, 'the League has no Jinnah, no Khaliquzzaman, no Ismail, no Fazlul Haq ¾ in fact, not a single popular and capable leader at its back'. Moreover, 'there are no primary Leaguers outside the town and every district League is a packed body, controlled by a coterie of people who have never seen a jail, except perhaps as nominated visitors and who have no love lost with the masses….' Furthermore, elaborating on the provincial League's weaknesses in the N-WFP, 'a Leaguer', commented:

…It is one of the fundamental weaknesses of the League in the Frontier that its organisation lacks mass workers who would spread over the entire countryside, cultivate intimate contact with the masses and kindle a new fire in their hearts. Like an army which consists of all officers and no soldiers our organization at present has all leaders and no field workers. Another trouble is that some of our leaders are thoroughly disturbed by the masses for their past association by even though they might have really cast them off by now. But things being what they are, it is in the best interest of the Mussalmans that these gentlemen should voluntarily became back-benchers and hand over responsibility to the younger and more popular element. Only in this way can sincere and devoted field workers be attracted to the League fold and public confidence in the League leadership created.

The year 1945 saw some significant changes in the political scenario at an all-India level. As the war situation improved, and also compelled by the world public opinion, particularly the USA, the British Indian government convened a Round Table Conference for the solution of Indian political problem. As a gesture of good will, the detained members of the Congress were released. The Conference was held at Simla which started its deliberations on 25th June. Apart from the presidents of the INC and AIML the Conference participants consisted of twenty-two delegates including the representatives of the Scheduled Castes, the Sikhs and premiers and ex-premiers of the British Indian provinces. Differences between the Congress and the Muslim League started right at the beginning of the Conference. The main issue was the composition of the Viceroy's Executive Council.

The Congress rejected Jinnah's demand as it could not accept the Muslim League as the sole representative body of the Indian Muslims. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the Congress President refuted Jinnah and cited the examples of the N-WFP, Bengal, the Punjab, and Assam ¾ Muslim-majority areas with non-League ministries. Moreover, the Congress demanded complete independence for India while the Muslim League was unwilling to agree to a constitution on any basis other than that of Pakistan. For Jinnah, independence at that stage was probably shelving the Pakistan issue for an indefinite period 'whereas the Congress will have secured under this arrangement what they want, namely, a clear road for their advance towards securing Hindu national independence for India….' Thus, the deliberations at Simla ended in failure, marking a 'water shed' in Indian political history.

The N-WFP intelligentsia was carefully watching the events at Simla. The outcome was not encouraging. However, it provided a good chance to the provincial Muslim League to portray itself as the sole champion of safeguarding and protecting Muslim rights on an all-India level. One Mohammad Zaman Advocate (Charsadda) appreciated Jinnah's 'immemorable stand' at Simla which 'opened the eyes of the Pathans of this Province. It worked as a miracle and changed the political philosophy of the Pathans…'. Khyber Mail (13th July 1945) reported that over one thousand telegrams supporting Jinnah had been sent to Simla from the N-WFP. Cunningham also confirmed it and reported that since the failure of talks at Simla, the well-educated Muslims in the N-WFP were becoming anti-Hindus and pro-Muslim League. He further added that 'I find that the failure of the Simla has made people think and talk more about the Pakistan issue. What I heard tends to confirm my earlier impression that not many people here believe in Pakistan in the sense of dismemberment from the rest of India…and one went so far as to say that it is time that the young Muslim element took the matter into their hands and defined what they really believe is the essence of Pakistan ¾ safeguarding of Muslim interests at the Centre, and no complete severance….'

Immediately after the failure of talks at Simla, a significant number of 'political heavy-weights' in the N-WFP joined the Muslim League. Prominent amongst the new entrants was Amin-ul-Hasanat, the Pir of Manki Sharif, who joined the League with a large number of his disciples. A number of prominent Congress leaders deserted and joined the League. They included Abdul Qaiyum (former Deputy Leader of the Congress in the Central Legislative Assembly), Arbab Abdul Ghafoor (former Congress MLA), Ghulam Mohammad Khan Lundkhwarh (ex-president of the Frontier Provincial Congress Committee), Rab Nawaz Khan (the one time salar of the Khudai Khidmatgars) and Mohammad Abbas Khan (former Industries Minister in first Congress ministry). These new entrants brought with them their experience, organisational skill, a large number of their followers and some future strategy to combat Congress and work for their common goal ¾ the achievement of Pakistan.

The Labour Party won the general elections in July 1945, and formed anew government under Clement Attlee. It decided to give priority to the Indian problem and announced elections for the central and provincial legislatures.

In the N-WFP the elections were expected to be contested mainly between the provincial Congress and the Muslim League. Congress wanted to prove that the Muslims of the N-WFP under its banner were struggling against the British imperialism. The Muslim League had to prove that the influence of the Congress had waned and that the N-WFP Muslims were flocking into the Muslim League to safeguard their class interest and to struggle for the achievement of Pakistan. The demand for Pakistan remained the focus of attention during the League's election campaign. To give a further boost to the League's election campaign, Jinnah himself visited the N-WFP, arriving Peshawar on 19th November 1945. He regarded the forthcoming elections as 'the first step towards the achievement of Pakistan'. If they succeeded, half of their would be done; if they failed they would be wiped out from the political scene. Jinnah appealed to the Frontier Muslims to vote for the Muslim League candidates as 'Every vote in favour of a Muslim League candidate means Pakistan. Every vote against a Muslim League candidate means Hindu Raj'.

Polling took place between 26th January and 14th February 1946. the Congress won an absolute majority, taking thirty seats out of fifty; the Akalis got one seat; Jamiat al Ulama i Hind got two seats and the Muslim League was victorious in seventeen seats. The results of the Frontier elections showed that Congress swept the rural areas while League merged as the representative of the urban middle class Muslims and of the non-Pashtoon Muslims winning eight out of the nine seats in Hazara and two out of three urban seats and both Landholder constituencies.

Meanwhile rapid changes on all-India level shifted the focus of attention to Delhi. After the elections, the Cabinet Mission came in spring 1946 and entered into negotiations for the future constitutional set up of the country with the major political parties in India. However, no consensus was reached upon and eventually they put forward their own proposals. Apart from other recommendations they also suggested the division of the country into groups. The proposed groups were: Group A: Madras, Bombay, UP, CP, Bihar and Orissa; Group B: Punjab, N-WFP and Sindh; and, Group C: Bengal and Bihar. On the issue of the proposed Interim Government, there were differences between the British government, Congress and the Muslim League who felt 'great betrayal' on its exclusion from the Interim Government and threatened to resort to 'Direct Action' if not accommodated. 16 August was fixed as the 'Direct Action Day'. Communal riots started in Calcutta and soon spread to other parts of India resulting in huge losses both in shape of human lives and property.

In the N-WFP, a change was noticed during this period. Locals were perturbed over the killing of Muslims in these communal riots. Provincial League sent teams to help the riots-affected people. When these people came back they brought the stories of massacre, damage to the Muslim properties, accounts regarding destruction of the mosques and showed torn pages of the Holy Quran. In brief, the Frontier Muslim League did its utmost to propagate details of atrocities committed in Bombay, where a large number of Pashtoon transient labourers were residing. The pitiable condition and the plight of the Muslims of the riots-affected areas was deplored. All this had a tremendous affect on the minds of the Frontier Muslims. Moreover, by this time a majority of the Muslim intelligentsia started talking against the dominant role of the Khan Bahadurs and other titled gentry into the Muslim League. These people were accused of tarnishing the image of Muslim League as a true representative of Muslims in India. They informed Mr. Jinnah that the Frontier Muslims were 'tired of such type of people and they have no faith in these Jagirdars and Khan Bahadurs and Nawabs' and was requested 'to bring the movement to the masses'. A comprehensive programme for the future strategy was chalked out. 'Pakistan Conferences' were arranged throughout the province. Pakistan was explained as being the only solution which would provide a peaceful settlement between the Hindus and the Muslims. Ulama were also approached in the name of Pakistan and were promised a more prestigious place in Pakistan.

Since any change within the legislative assembly was impossible and the next elections were at least four years away, the Frontier Muslim League started devising ways and means to dislodge Dr. Khan Sahib from power. The Muslim League resorted to civil disobedience movement against the Frontier Congress ministry to prove that the overwhelming majority of the Muslim population was supporting the League's demand of Pakistan. The Frontier League started civil disobedience movement on 19th February 1947. After the fall of the Unionists Ministry in the Punjab (2 March 1947) it was now the only province of the proposed Pakistan where the League was not in power, it was essential for the Leaguers to wrest it from the Congress control. The movement continued till the 4th June when the partition plan of 3rd June was officially announced, which included a referendum in the N-WFP. The Leaguers expressed their jubilation at the announcement and immediately called off the agitation against Dr. Khan Sahib's ministry.

When the 3rd June Plan was announced, the Congress members in the N-WFP became very disturbed. India was going to be partitioned and the choice was now between joining India or Pakistan. The Khudai Khidmatgars were perturbed over Congress' acceptance of the partition plan. To their chagrin, the Congress also agreed to holding of a referendum in the N-WFP on the question of joining India or Pakistan. They protested to the Congress high command regarding deciding their future without consulting them. They were indignant over Congress' betrayal. For them joining India was geographically impossibility but joining Pakistan, against which they were struggling till recent past, was also not acceptable to them. They demanded from the government to insert a third option of Pukhtunistan along with the two options of India and Pakistan. As neither the government agreed to it neither the Congress pressed for it officially, the Khudai Khidmatgars boycotted the referendum which was held in July 1947 and decided N-WFP's joining Pakistan. The League's success in the Frontier referendum was regarded as an expression of the willingness of the people of the N-WFP to join Pakistan.

— The writer is a Professor of History, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad

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