| November 12, 2008 | Wednesday | Ziqa'ad 13, 1429 |
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Ban on illiterate workers
HEC ignored health sector
Harassment at workplace
Depletion of EOBI funds
Curse of corruption
Family planning
Contradictions between the lines
Dug-up roads
Readers are requested to restrict their comments to a maximum of 400 words. We reserve the right to edit letters for reasons of clarity and space. Letters, including those by e-mail, should carry the complete postal address of the sender. The views expressed in these columns do not necessarily reflect the views of the newspaper.—Editor
THIS is apropos of Khalique Junejo’s letter (Nov 8) in response to mine (Oct 28) and Bina Shah’s article (Oct 24) on the above subject.
The basic premise of my letter had been that exodus of Sindhi Hindus from Sindh, on the eve of the partition, was a sort of end-result of about a century-long process of alienation between the Hindus and Muslims of Sindh, mainly due to economic disparities.
Mr Junejo, on the other hand, believes that the event was a sudden one and was result of certain post-partition developments, starting in January 1948. Unfortunately, Mr Junejo has not based his argument on any academic or historical evidence. The two communities of Sindh started moving in different directions on the eve of British conquest of Sindh in the late 1830s and early 1840s, when Seth Naomal Hotchand (1804-1878), supported by his friends and relatives (all Hindus), went out of the way to help British invaders against Muslim Talpur rulers of Sindh.
Seth Naomal Hotchand has himself described in detail in his memoirs how he and other Sindhi Hindus provided logistical support as well as inside information to the invading British armies. These memoirs, which make very interesting reading, were first published by his grandson in 1915, with an introduction by the then commissioner in Sindh, Sir Evan James.
Subsequent to the British conquest of Sindh, the Hindus as a price for their cooperation with the British established almost complete monopoly in government services as well as in trade and commerce. This created economic imbalance and disharmony between the two communities, which was first noticed by Richard Burton during his visit to Sindh in 1848-49. He was compelled to observe: “The Hindoo’s (sic) reed pen is a rod of iron, and abjectly the unhappy Scindian (sic) trembles before it” (The Unhappy Valley of Sindh, 1855, London pp 62).
The only avenue of economy open to Sindhi Muslims was agriculture. But, in due course of time, Hindu moneylenders also encroached upon this sector and as “a result, many of the landowners (peasants as well as low-level landlords) found themselves entangled in moneylenders’ loans and thereby lost their estates: moneylenders possessed over 42 per cent of all arable land in Sindh in the early 20th century” (Sindh Through The Centuries, OUP, 1981, pp 181)
Mr Junejo’s assertion that Muslims constituted upper (feudal) and lower (peasants) classes while Hindus constituted middle class and had inter-class tensions is not relevant as the lower class (Muslims) were forcefully denied the opportunity to enter the middle class ranks. This is evident from the Hindu community’s resistance to the establishment of Sindh Madressah, which was the ‘first’ school being established by Muslims in 1880s!
And the minority Hindu community, already having numerous schools of their own, was opposing the establishment of Sindh Madressah, because they did not want Muslims to emancipate themselves economically. And in that process they did not mind even breakup of the only united intellectual forum of the two communities ‘Sindh Sabha’.
Take any standard book of history and the confrontation amongst the two communities on almost every political and economic issue is hard to miss. One such issue was separation of Sindh from the Bombay Presidency. The space here does not allow going into details.
The relations between the two communities had strained to the extent of full-blown riots, which erupted in the 1930s on the issue of Masjid Manzalgah.’ Several people from both the communities lost their lives. The biggest loss was perhaps the assassination of great Hindu mystic singer Bhagwat Kanwar Ram, who was killed in October 1939, while travelling in a train, by Muslim fanatics in retaliation for beating and injuring the son of an influential Pir at Sukkur allegedly by some Hindus.
The following years saw Muslim leaders from Sindh going allout for creation of Pakistan, with basic objective of securing economic emancipation from Sindh’s Hindus. What followed the partition was perhaps inevitable.
DR MOHAMMAD ALI SHAIKH
Karachi
THE exhaustive and well-written editorial of Nov 3 has compelled me to comment on illiteracy and ignorance of our country; 65 per cent of our population do not know how to read or write.
The Saudi government has banned illiterate labour from Pakistan. The editor says that we may feel the bite of reduction in remittances by Pakistani labour from Saudi Arabia. He has rightly pointed out that our government would have to pay greater attention toward education which would enhance the value of our workers in foreign countries. The former president, Pervez Musharraf, voiced it strongly that illiteracy and ignorance are the impediments to development and progress of the country.
He ordered that the Senate, National Assembly and Provincial Assemblies should have graduate members. The knowledgeable people liked the idea; others did not. These ‘others’ which included the political leaders, generally less educated than required, began whining, crying and shouting that this was infringement on their personality and status.
I think that this was Mr Musharraf’s first effort to impress upon us the importance of education — the basis of sublimation.
His effort to create a ‘graduate national assembly’ gave me another idea of spreading education to all corners of the country. This idea may seem an unusual proposal. I did try to express it in these words: “I would go a step further. Sequel to the condition of graduation for assembly members, I suggest that all couples wanting to be married should be graduate too. Considering the backwardness in villages, a slight relaxation could be allowed — the couple could be matriculate at least”. Don’t you laugh, lest you might weep later.
But my editors would not approve it; therefore would not publish it — they may have their own reasons. Since then I have read some strange and unusual proposals; so I send it again.
I urge the government to reintroduce through an ordinance the condition of graduation for assembly members as well as graduation (in cities) and matriculation (in villages) for marriage. This will increase the level of knowledge and also control the unbridled growth in population.
M.K. NAQVI
Karachi
(II)
THE editorial, ‘Ban on illiterate workers’ (Nov 3), supporting a ban on illiterate emigrants is rather not sensitive to serious failures of state and society.
Our workers leave home to work in appalling conditions at high risk to life and limb because of the mass poverty generated by the state and society.
To place any obstacles to labour mobility is to reinforce the unfairness of globalisation — the most oppressive of which is the distinction between documented and undocumented migrants.
The opportunity of decent work in the country would directly reduce emigration of all but the very skilled and greedy.
This goal remains beyond the competence of our economy managers in and out of uniform, lean or obese, home-grown or imported. Ensuring literacy is a citizen’s right, beyond its (dubious) value for employment.
KARAMAT ALI
PILER Centre
Karachi
THE era of Dr Attaur Rehman as chairman of the Higher Education Commission is over. It was a unique chapter in the history of higher education of the country. The situation is being analysed rather criticised in the media even by some well-known scientists of the country.
It is said that the system of higher education lacked proper checks and balances during the tenure of Dr Attaur Rehman.
The achievements of the HEC were mostly self-praised. In my opinion the health sector was almost totally ignored and if at all touched, poor results came out of it. Almost no doctor from any medical college of the country was sent abroad for higher education.
The Higher Education Commission could do nothing to implement the rule of merit and constitution of institutions of higher medical education. It should have acted as a monitoring agency rather than funding only.
For example, the writer personally sent a case of huge discrimination along with documentary evidence about higher medical education to former HEC chairman Dr Attaur Rehman.
The worthy former chairman endorsed this case with his own signatures vide letter No. 1-2/CHR/HEC/03/3209 on 17.11. 2003.
As there was no response, three more reminders were sent including letter No. 1-2/CHR/HEC/04/756 dated 26.03.2004 again with the signatures of Dr Attaur Rehman. But it is very astonishing that all the above-mentioned correspondence remained unanswered by the quarters concerned.
I tried many times to contact the high-ups of the HEC but in vain. Thus the HEC miserably failed to control the menace of favouritism, discrimination and plagiarism in higher medical education.
Even in the education sector plagiarism (getting higher degrees on the basis of copied thesis or research work) was discovered at a very late stage of the tenure of Dr Attaur Rehman, and that too under immense pressure of foreign funding agencies.
But in the process the really deserving candidates suffered a lot due to irreparable loss to their careers.
One of the medical universities refused PhD enrolment to candidates of south Punjab after issuing letters of approval of synopses by its board of studies. One of its senior officers said to a candidate: “Go and make your ‘Siraiki’ province first and then come to get a PhD degree”.
It is hoped that the incoming chairman of the Higher Education Commission will bring a rule of law, merit and constitution to the higher education of the country, and the health sector will also be included as an important component.
DR QAMBER ABBAS
Multan
THANK you for highlighting the issue of harassment at workplace in your editorial following the federal cabinet’s approval of the ‘Protection from harassment at workplace Act’.
One of the acknowledged difficulties in approaching the problem of workplace harassment is that it is often difficult to recognise or report. There is no simple definition because it can take different forms, can occur in a variety of situations and can involve one or a number of individuals.
It may be defined as persistent behaviour against an individual that is intimidating, degrading, offensive or malicious and undermines the confidence and self-esteem of the recipient.
Unwanted bullying behaviour may be related to age, sex, disability, religion, sexuality or any personal characteristic of the individual. It may be persistent or an isolated incident.
You have rightly pointed out that men and women both might be victim of harassment at workplace. Your discussion was mostly focused on sexual harassment which is perhaps the most feared kind but workplaces present opportunities for a wide range of intimidating tactics.
Rayner and Hoel (1997) described five categories of bullying behaviour. These are threat to professional status (for example, belittling opinion, public professional humiliation, accusation of lack of effort); threat to personal standing (for example, name calling, insults, teasing); isolation (for example, preventing access to opportunities such as training, withholding information); overwork (for example, undue pressure to produce work, impossible deadlines, unnecessary disruptions); and destabilisation (for example, failure to give credit when due, meaningless tasks, removal of responsibility, shifting of goal posts).
It is not easy to prevent harassment in the workplace. It requires people to moderate their behaviour so that they become positive role models and demands considerable changes in institutional culture. Harassment has negative impact on the wellbeing of individuals, overall morale in the workforce and professional productivity of institutions. Continuing efforts are needed to create public awareness to resolve such issues.
ASMA HUMAYUN
(Consultant psychiatrist)
Islamabad
AT its national conference held on Nov 5 at Karachi, the Workers-Employers Bilateral Council of Pakistan has expressed grave concern on the transfer of funds from Employees Old Age Benefits Institution (EOBI) to help out the ailing stock exchange (Nov 6).
In a letter addressed by the chairman of Webcop to the federal secretary of labour and discussed in the conference, representatives of the major stakeholders, i.e. the employers and workers, have lodged a strong protest against dishing out of Rs15 billion from the EOBI funds to the stock exchange on the ill-conceived advice of the finance ministry and against the wishes of the labour ministry and EOBI’s board of trustees. It is reported that an additional Rs50 billion is in the process of transfer to the stock exchange from the same funds.
Funds of the EOBI are primarily generated from payment of contributions by the employers which run into millions of rupees per month in case of labour-intensive organisations like the Steel Mills. Income from the investment of moneys adds to these funds. Although the Act is applicable to all employees in a company other than the directors, the most deserving beneficiaries of monthly pensions are the poor retired workers who do not have any other source of income.
The amount of monthly pension of an employee is dependent upon the number of years for which contribution on his(er) behalf have been paid by the employer. At present these pensions range from Rs2,000 to Rs3,500 per month. Men become eligible to receive pension at the age of 60 while women at 55.
The value of these paltry amounts to poor pensioners can be judged when you see their long queues much before opening time of the bank at 9am on the first of every month. Similarly if the government enhances the rate of pension on July 1, and the pensioners are required to have stickers to this effect affixed on their pension books from the respective EOBI offices, one can observe hundreds of people outside these offices awaiting their turn. Amongst them you will find widows accompanied by their children, old and weak persons needing help of others to walk and even white-collared people who are equally needy.
Looking at the foregoing facts, in case the EOBI funds are depleted to a level at which it becomes difficult for the government to disburse monthly pensions to millions of such pensioners, one can imagine the distressing and painful circumstances which these people will have to undergo. It is, therefore, an earnest appeal to the government to keep the EOBI funds intact and put back the money in the sacred trust.
PARVEZ RAHIM
Karachi
THIS is with reference to your editorial, ‘Curse of corruption’ (Nov 8), wherein you have rightly pointed out that unless the malaise of corruption, which has penetrated into society unrestrained, is not dealt with severely, conditions conducive to local investment, much less to foreign investment, can never be created.
The remark of Microsoft Company’s spokesperson, who was discouraged from investing by the Pakistani officials due to their illicit demands, is the most brazen instance in this regard.
However, this vice is not a setback only to investments, but because of its unrestrained exhibition, which started after the first martial law, it has affected the very fabric of civil society adversely. Every office, be that of government or non-government and private entrepreneur and marketplace, is affected by this vice.
Although no society is absolutely clean of this bane, it is practised at least not so openly and has not penetrated so deeply as in our country. For the last few decades it has become a fashion: a way of life which people have adopted with pride and gusto. Even a petty government official will feel no compunction while driving a brand new vehicle, living in a palatial house and providing education to his children in costly schools in Pakistan or in some institute abroad.
Society has, therefore, reached a stage where corruption has become no more an object of contempt and remorse, rather it has been accepted as a social norm. For this reason those who are known for their unscrupulous dealings are regarded as most respectable members of society.
Therefore, after considering what position we have achieved in this self-destructive activity, I tend to agree with you that deeply-entrenched culture of corruption cannot be eradicated overnight at every level of society. To fight out this menace, many-pronged efforts are required involving the media, electronic as well as print, non-governmental organisations, intellectuals, educationists, entrepreneurs and public representatives and others with full backing of the government organisation.
In the first place, causes which lead to corruption have to be identified and ways and means worked out to remove the same. Laws made from time to time should not be applied selectively but used with even level irrespective of the position of social status enjoyed by the wrongdoer. Those caught red-handed be dealt with severely to set an example.
The aspect most damaging and the most difficult to reverse is the ostentatious way of living; one of the major causes of corruption. Since this pretentious trend has become an acceptable norm of the culture, therefore, it is essential to enlighten every section of society about its baneful effects on the people here and hereafter and persuade them to abandon this activity which is absolutely wrong, religiously as well as morally.
However, no attempt howsoever sincere and momentous it is can be successful unless those sitting at the helm of affairs create the best model by accepting a simple way of living for themselves as a code of life: a most hard proposition though.
QAZI BASHIR AHMED
Old Hala
DURING the early 1960s when the programme for the family planning started, there was too much opposition to it. Most of it came from the so-called religious scholars.
Over a period of time we have seen the acceptance and to some extent success of this programme.
Asking for advice for contraceptive measures and after a few years when looking for an another child the desire was fulfilled.
Recently a 25-year-old man came to me with tears in his eyes. He was very young when he got married. He was disturbed because his pregnant wife was expecting their fourth child.
He was 20 and she 16 when they got married in a small village near Muzzafarabad, Azad Kashmir.
His complaint was that no hospital or medical store can provide any contraceptive material in Azad Kashmir these days.
The reason, as stated by him, was the propaganda conducted by some religious individuals who have now moved from the Frontier Province and settled in Azad Kashmir.
This young man was accompanied by his sister who wanted to know what if her bhabhi (sister-in-law) dies as a result of repeated childbirth without any reasonable interval. Should not this be also a point for consideration of our mullas?
It is now many years when I met a professor from Bangladesh. When I asked him why the programme of population planning is more successful and acceptable in Bangladesh, his answer was we convinced our clergy that family planning is not infanticide.
I do not know who should be held responsible for the bigotry in some circles but I think our ministry of religious affairs should do more to contribute to the success of a national programme. Meanwhile, will somebody in the government of Azad Kashmir please also look into this matter?
PROF (Dr) KHALID HASSAN MAHMOOD
Sir Syed College of Medicine
Karachi
CAPT Afaq Rizvi’s rejoinder (Oct 31) to my response (Oct. 20) to his earlier letter is ironic, because on the same letters’ page, Qazi Nazim Naeem, while denouncing the barbaric killing of 17-year-old girl Tasleem Solangi, has observed that “had the justice system been strengthened by (the presence of) jurists like Justice Chaudhry, such incidents would not go unnoticed under suo motu actions.” Before him, many other correspondents and writers, too, had reached similar conclusions.
To that one may add the plight of the unfortunate Mannu Bheel, whose disappeared family’s case had been earnestly taken up by Justice Chaudhry, but who has been left high and dry after the latter’s ouster.
One would also point to some surveys conducted by American organisations, which showed more than 70 per cent Pakistanis want the top jurist to be reinstated. Tellingly even the American legal fraternity has been backing him up and he is due to receive a couple of awards in the US.
The British lawyers, including Cherie Blair, the wife of the then British prime minister Tony Blair, had also spoken in his defence, as well as the Commonwealth Chief Justices’ Academy.
Thus, Capt Rizvi should have a heart, instead of opposing the return of Mr Chaudhry, on whom the eyes of the grieving families of numerous disappeared Pakistanis and many other helpless ones are fixed. Besides, the rising number of lynchings and burnings of robbers and dacoits is proof enough that our public has lost faith in the law-enforcement and judicial system.
ASIF QURESHI
Karachi
A SUBSTANTIAL amount of money is generated from Korangi which is one of the country’s biggest industrial hubs in Karachi. Yet many mill-owners, as well as industrialists, are faced with an everyday problem that remains unnoticed to this day.
Two years back a project to lay pipelines and telephone lines commenced in Sector 15 of the Korangi Industrial Area. For this very purpose, the newly-laid roads were ruthlessly dug and damaged.
The project finished two years back, but so far no effort has been made to rebuild those bumpy lanes which were once well-laid roads.
It is shameful to invite foreign buyers to factories as one has no choice but to drive through those dug-up roads to enter the said sector.
Can the authorities concerned please look into the matter and take immediate action? Factory owners, who are also big taxpayers, do not want to spend another monsoon season in this agonising condition.
MRS FARAH MEHBOOB
Karachi
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