A season of discontent

USUALLY political forces do not opt for political alliances, they consider it a weakness. If they come into power with a split mandate, they have no choice but to enter an alliance, on minimum points, with their like-minded groups. The nationalist Awami National Party preferred to form a coalition with the federalist Pakistan People’s Party.

Despite their secular and progressive credentials, both PPP and ANP had been arch rivals since 1970 in this province. Either of the two would win from Peshawar city. In 2002, both PPP and ANP had formed an election alliance in Peshawar but Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal defeated both of them and won all the seats from the valley. This time, the ANP, accused by its detractors for emulating a puppet’s role on this side of the border, has bagged majority of the seats by defeating the MMA, being blamed for nurturing militants in the province.

The ANP opted for a best choice and entered a power-sharing alliance with its arch rival, PPP. The Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl, a coalition partner of PPP in federal government and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, a leading power partner in the Punjab province, are out of the power-sharing game in Frontier. Both PPP and ANP are enjoying cordial relations at the centre, but the PPP is not feeling easy in the province. PPP local leaders accuse ANP ministers of victimising their sympathisers in different departments. They claim that the chief minister does not consult PPP ministers on major issues and orders transfers and postings of senior officials on his own.

Commenting on the helplessness of his party ministers, a PPP leader says Health Minister Syed Zahir Ali Shah is in a state of war with his own government. Provincial bureaucracy does not entertain his orders. Mr Shah is deadly opposed to “uncalled for” interference in his department. But, he is helpless and cannot do anything.

Similarly, another minister Liaqat Ali Shabab has not been consulted over the replacement of director general of excise and taxation. Neither ministers nor party leaders are satisfied with the things. They think that their senior partner does not behave in political manners. “Only one PPP minister is satisfied with the performance of the coalition government,” says a PPP leader.

PPP old workers, who were silent for 100 days, say they do not think that the party or its governments exist anywhere in the country. They say Benazir Bhutto has not sacrificed her life for the meaningless change of guards. They raise queries, whenever confront the PPP leaders. Where does PPP stand after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto? Does anywhere a government exists, which should reflect a political culture akin to the party of late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto? Whose legacy it is around us?

Right from its top leadership to down its workers in the province, no one knows who is calling the shots and who is who in the party and the government. PPP has always been a disorganised crowd of multi-class people, but after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, it stands nowhere as an “organised political force” in the province.

During her life time, when she would shuttle between Dubai, London and other western capitals, anti-PPP circles would dub it as an e-mail-run party. Though it would seem like a remote-controlled party, but, it was undoubtedly the only genuine political force in the country the establishment was scared of. Since PPP’s formation in 1967, it had survived three splits during two martial laws, but the dissidents, who had launched separate factions, badly failed to dent it. Conversely, it showed resilience and emerged with new vigour and double strength. But this time it is faced with big challenges.

Amid this mistrust and discontent, Baitullah Mehsud, in charge of the Pakistan Taliban Movement, has threatened the coalition government to wind up its political business or face the music. He sharply reacted to the military-led operation in Hangu and ordered the NWFP coalition to resign forthwith. It is an alarming situation, but Frontier cabinet, which met on July 21, made an equally fit response to the Taliban’s rhetoric. Instead of contacting political parties and convening a grand all parties’ conference on the issue, the NWFP government has immersed itself into the routine issues. If ongoing operation in Fata is headache for Islamabad, the lawlessness in Hangu and Swat is also a challenge for the provincial government. The peaceful process of negotiations is the only viable option which matters. It is a test for the provincial government that how it steer the province out of the administrative crisis. It is time for all the political forces to play their role instead of leaving the things on the mercy of circumstances and the armed forces.

The government must realise that the growing violence on both sides of the border shows that things are inching towards a final showdown amongst the various players vying for the political influence over the region. Are we heading towards a hell?