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March 25, 2008 Tuesday Rabi-ul-Awwal 16, 1429



Features


Do book launches really help?
Merger of Fata with NWFP not easy



Do book launches really help?


By Rauf Parekh

Sabih Mohsin is a veteran humorist and journalist. He remained associated with Radio Pakistan for decades. An author of several books, he has experienced the usual difficulties one has to face while trying to get one’s works published. As a rejoinder to the piece that appeared in these columns last Tuesday, he has reminded me of the troubles a writer in our society has to go through once he/she has finished writing a book.

Here are some excerpts from his letter, with some editing for privacy’s sake: “This is with reference to your column ‘Hypocrisy in the name of literary criticism’ (Dawn, March 18, 2008). I fully agree with you that book launching ceremonies are nothing more than a ‘promotional gimmick’ which gives rise to a ‘nauseating feeling’. I also share with you the view that most of the critics who speak at such gatherings are ‘fake’ and ‘flatterers’. But you should also realize and recognize the predicament in which even a genuine literary writer is placed these days.

“To begin with, the number of writers, such as Mushtaq Ahmed Yusufi and Mukhtar Masood, who get their books published in the normal way, is so small that they can be counted on the fingertips perhaps of only one hand. Others have to publish it themselves, or, even if their book carries the name of a well-known publisher, they must bear from their own pockets the cost of paper, printing and binding. In both cases, the share of the publisher/distributor from the sale of the book is at least 60 per cent. And even after that, the book reaches only a few local bookstalls. It is hardly ever sent outside Karachi as that would involve expenses on freight charges.

“For the book launching ceremony, too, it is the writer himself, and not the dummy organization whose name appears on the stage banner, who has to run for advertisements for funding the event. And it is the writer again who has to use his PR to get press coverage.

“In the absence of literary magazines with respectable circulations and regular literary forums, the writer has to resort to such launchings, although he might find it mortifying, because this is the only way in which he can at least inform the people that he has written something that might interest them.

“For your personal information, when I was on the lookout for a publisher for my book, ‘Dastaan Kehte kehte’, a number of well-known publishers-cum-booksellers offered to publish it as they considered me to be ‘a good writer’. But they said that all expenses would have to be borne by me.

“However, I decided to publish it myself. I had received some money as royalty from a daily newspaper where the book had been serialized earlier as weekly columns. Adding some more money to this kitty from my own pocket, I got 500 copies printed. It was after great persuasion that a bookseller accepted 75 copies and another one 40 copies. They charged a 60 per cent discount. Another one, a good friend of mine, very graciously offered to take two copies.

“Incidentally, I went to Canada and the US last summer. I had somehow managed to carry with me 50 copies. Friends and relatives organized an ‘evening’ with me in New York, Toronto, Houston and Dallas. The functions were well attended and 25 copies were sold at $10 each, the rest being distributed complimentarily. After the sale and free distribution, I still have almost 200 copies lying under my bed. So, this is the fate of a writer who is made to believe that he is ‘a good writer’. Sabih Mohsin.”

While we sympathize with him, we might ask a question or two: if there had been a launch for the same book, would the sales have improved dramatically? And, more importantly, as it involves ethics, admitting that the critics who speak at these so-called launches are ‘fake’ and ‘flatterers’ and their remarks would turn the stomach of any self-respecting writer, is it ethical to arrange such gatherings? How can a writer employ unethical means to introduce a book that intends to promote moral values? Why do the pseudo-intellectuals who furiously argue in favour of morals and social justice for everyone forget the poor readers and students that may be misled and disappointed by their rhetoric in favour of a particular book? I ask these questions because recently a girl student at Karachi University’s Urdu department complained that the recommendations made at the book launches by ‘phoney’ critics are misleading and when students spend their meagre allowance on such books they are disgusted as the recommended books are nothing but trash. She also stated in a matter-of-fact tone that some of the ‘busy’ critics would even charge an amount -- something between Rs5,000 and Rs10,000 -- for such ‘phoney’ appearances.

What I was trying to say in my previous column is that these fake critics are part of the problem and are only bringing a bad name to literature and scholarship. In future it may force many readers to decide not to buy any book for which a launch is ‘staged’ as it would confirm its uselessness. So, in fact these launches are counterproductive and have become a butt of many jokes among the literati.

My final question is: Did Ghalib and Iqbal ever arrange any book launches? No, but their books sell even today. Why? And in the answer lies the crux of the matter.

drraufparekh@yahoo.com

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Merger of Fata with NWFP not easy


BESIDES many other issues, the government-designate in the province will be confronting to a colossal problem like integration of Fata with the province. But, it is not so simple to deal with an ease. Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) and Frontier Regions (FRs) are fiefdoms of the president. He also exercises final authority on matters of Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (Pata) through his agent, governor of the province.

The Fata has proved to be a kind of black hole for successive civilian governments which have tried to introduce reforms or integrate it with the province. After the 1979 invasion of Afghanistan by the former Soviet Union troops, Fata was turned out into a base camp for Afghan fighting groups. It would give a look of an international Islamic cantonment, where Muslim guerillas were pouring in from all sides of the globe to push back Soviet troops from Afghanistan. The CIA’s right-doers were also there with dollars and guns to help their Muslim allies in their war against red aggression.

Since that Fata has gained a prominence and it is considered a bridge over the fictional strategic depth, enveloped in a permanent chaos. Owing to its strategic position Fata had been a major base camp for the anti-Soviet homegrown guerrilla organisations. After the 9/11, it turned out to be a good shelter for American guests brought into Afghanistan in eighties to fight against Soviet troops. Those who have merged themselves into the local tribes through intra-marriages have lost their identity.

This area is being manned by a unique class known as political administrators, who are from the civil service. They are civilian, but they do not provide any service. They are simply rulers, who are supposed to establish the writ of Islamabad in tribal belt running along the Durand Line. The tribesmen are treated like skunks and governed through a set of harsh measures called Frontier Crimes Regulations.

Rulers are still clinging to such wild laws which are a carry-over of the colonial age, but they are not ready to get riddance of them, because these measures had turned out be a sort of administrative constraint for them. The acronyms like Fata, Pata and FRs unfold harrowing tales of people living in seven tribal agencies, so-called frontier regions having administrative enclaves in six settled districts and provincial tribal areas abutting on nine settled districts.

Geographically, these areas are integral part of the province, but they are being governed by the president and his agent, NWFP governor. Pata, which comes under the provincial executive authority, is ruled by the governor. The Awami National Party wants to merge it with the province by extending Political Parties Order 2002 and setting up courts in the Fata. ANP provincial chief Afrasiab Khattak terms it a dimension of the state crisis. He thinks the integration of Fata with the settled area is impossible, unless Islamabad changes its mind and delegate basic rights to tribesmen.

He says the alien fighters and army troops have an access to the Fata, but political parties and the judiciary have no access to the area. He says that the militarisation of state and society is the main problem which invites the attention of all the political and democratic forces to come forward and steer the state out of this destructive web.

In the past, a number of committees were constituted to author a reforms package for the tribal people, but none of the reports had been made public. After the arrival of Nato-led troops in Afghanistan, Fata has become a flashpoint. The US administration wants to clear it of the so-called Al Qaeda and Taliban fighters.

It wants Pakistan to do more against huge funding being provided for its frontline role in war on terror. The regime has so far shared the burden of its benefactors, knowing that Russia and China are opposed to the presence of US forces in the region, but earned the enmity of its own people. No one is speaking about reforms in Fata; everybody is searching for a safe place after missiles attacks across the border.

The question arises who will save the state from complete militarisation? NWFP is a part of the crisis-ridden state. If the state is unable to solve the problem of good governance, how a province will deliver any good to people. The new coalition must think about it.

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