| October 13, 2007 | Saturday | Ramazan 30, 1428 |
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Why only PPP
HEC impact ideas on humanity
Media versus the police
Mullah in politics
Nishan-i-Haider
Adult franchise or literate franchise?
Readers are requested to restrict their comments to a maximum of 400 words. We reserve the right to edit letters for reasons of clarity and space. Letters, including those by e-mail, should carry the complete postal address of the sender. The views expressed in these columns do not necessarily reflect the views of the newspaper.—Editor
PROF Richard Beckhard, the celebrated academic from MIT, in one of his books on Organisational Development, defines ‘vision’ as “a picture of a future state of an organisation (state), a description of what it would like to be a number of years from now. It is a dynamic picture of the organisation in the future, as seen by its leadership. It is more than a dream or set of hopes, because top management or leadership is demonstrably committed to its realisation: it is a commitment.”
There is nothing extraordinary about this concept. If anything it is all commonsense, in that it expects organised societies to have given thought to and spelled out their socio-economic, cultural and behavioural paradigms, moving forward dynamically towards a focused point in time in the future to provide a rich, meaningful and fulfilling life for its people in optimum terms according to their potential. Had we done this along the way during our 60-year journey, President Musharraf would, in his words, not have found the ship of state ‘floundering in choppy seas without a rudder’ in 1999? Indeed, he may not have been there at all to see this dismal scene.
All the same, is there anything that we can do about it now? Yes, very much yes. Largely because we are very fortunate to have with us the many precise guidelines given by the Founder of the Nation after June 3, 1947, which should make things that much easier for our leadership to converge on in developing a ‘mission’ or ‘vision’ statement.
That is a very important first step and it is not unknown that in the case of big corporations undergoing fundamental change the exercise might even take months, for this is a task which must be addressed only by the top leadership and cannot be delegated.
If there is passionate dedication to Pakistan, which we all claim, then things should not appear too formidable. In that event, all that may be required is the courage and willpower of all who matter in the upper echelons – politicians, bureaucrats, jurists, legislators, academics and professionals – through suitable representatives, to get together in a caucus, first, to look at the vision developed by the top leadership; second, to communicate the vision to all stakeholders in their respective spheres to make them understand what we are seeking and how we are going to go about it with their participation based on their understanding, agreement and commitment; third, diagnosing how things stand at present; fourth, establishing the gaps that must exist between now and the state we are proposing to reach in 50 years; fifth, devising cost-effective means to set up and start mechanisms to move forward as a ‘whole system’ with all parts perceived to be connected in an interdependent, self-critiquing, harmonious manner with the overriding purpose of giving first priority to contribute to the achievement of the declared ‘vision’.
This means a lot of meticulous planning and monitoring calling for hard work and may well require a separate ministry to handle and coordinate attendant activity.
Indeed this is an enormous exercise. But then there is no escape from it, for in it lies our very survival. International corporations when bringing about large fundamental change to their operations are prepared to be patient and persevering when their stakes are not as high as ours. So we have no case to baulk, and bask in a retrogressive status quo; we already have revealed in that luxury long enough. Important features of the exercise will have to be communicated and discussed far and wide and constructive feedback encouraged.
Perhaps as a cud to chew on the ‘mission’ or ‘vision’ statement may well look something like:
“To be the foremost Muslim state, economically vibrant, socially responsible, in tune with the world in all that is beneficent, competing to remain in the forefront of those who think and act only, and only, to serve humanity at large.”
Indeed a tall order; particularly in its behavioural aspect but inescapable and fortunately realisable for those who have their backs to the wall.
M.J. AS’AD
Karachi
THE Pakistan People’s Party and its chairperson are under severe criticism for clinching a deal with President Gen Pervez Musharraf.
The blame list contains legitimising the presidential election by not resigning from assemblies, in exchange for withdrawal of corruption cases against Benazir Bhutto and the restriction on third premiership etc.
Opponents of the Pakistan People’s Party riding on media campaign allege that she has stabbed the PPP of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto by hobnobbing with the dictator.
But history shows that almost all politicians had been the product of military dictators: Zia brought up Nawaz Sharif politically; nearly all politicians from the religious alliance were part and parcel of the Zia dispensation; the Muttahida Qaumi Movement was also a creation of Zia and now partner with the Musharraf; Imran Khan welcomed Musharraf on his appearance in 1999. Therefore, why should harangue the PPP only?
The fact is the establishment’s roots are not so precarious in political and economic fields. Previous experience shows that no military rulers had voluntarily relinquished power. What Ms Bhutto is doing is to give a safe passage to Gen Musharraf and bring the country back on the rails of democracy.
And it is due to the PPP’s steadfastness in the dialogue with Gen Musharraf that he has promised to doff his uniform before taking the oath of presidential office.
And if he leaves his military post, it would be a great achievement on the part of the PPP.
If the PPP had been hungry for power and anxious about the withdrawal of cases against its leaders, it would have stroked a deal soon after the NS government had been overthrown. All cases against Ms Bhutto, her spouse and other leaders are politically motivated, proof is the acknowledgement of NS and his blue-eyed boy Saifur Rahman’s confession in this regard, and after more than 10 years no case has been proved against the PPP chairperson and other leaders.
This is time to heed the real problems of the 160 million and I have strong faith in the leadership of Ms Bhutto that she would bring positive changes in the lives of the oppressed people who had been sidelined from the fruits of economic development
GULSHER PANHWER
Johi, Dadu
MANZOOR H. Kureshi’s letter (Oct 4), in response to mine (Sept 24) on the subject of impact factor of ideas in the social sciences/humanities/liberal arts area is welcome as it contributes to the discourse. Mr Kureshi rightly noted that the Prophet’s mission, Islam, found acceptance within 23 years of his struggle with 15,000 Muslims at the time of pilgrimage.
But one must not forget that the Prophet had embarked upon an extraordinary mission of spreading the message of Islam whose success was ensured moment to moment by Divine Providence. Indeed it was an extraordinary struggle for which Allah chose an extraordinary man, our Prophet. We ordinary mortals are nowhere near him in propagating our ideas.
Christ’s mission, on the other hand, was distorted by Paul, and Constantine manipulated to further contaminate the original message by inserting the doctrine of trinity with the help of the members of the council of Nicea in AD 325 in order to gain power by satisfying both the Romans and some third century Christians.
But this again happened according to the Divine scheme. Yet, we know that there were scores of prophets whose message of Islam was rejected by the communities in which they were sent.
Preachings of Noah, Lot, Hood, Saleh, Shoib went unheard by their communities with the exception of a few who embraced their message. Allah destroyed these communities on account of their immorality and ‘kufr’.
Noah specially lived 950 years and before the Deluge preached for at least 650 years without much avail. All this happened according to the Divine scheme.
God does not intervene frequently in our ordinary souls’ academic or other routine affairs.
He has left us with the laws of nature. Acceptance of our ideas is thus not guaranteed by Divine Providence but by laws of nature, including laws of society.
One may have to refer to Ibn Khuldun to know the laws of society and culture. As for our case, our poet Ghalib, a man of great metaphysical and social vision, has befittingly said: Sub kahan kuch lala o gul main numayan ho gayeen/Khak mein kya soorateen hongeen ke pinhan ho gayeen.
My point was that, ordinarily, social ideas do not make impact on societies or humanity immediately after they are presented. There are exceptions; of course it is sometimes true of ideas in physical sciences also. Galileo Galilee subscribed to Copernican hypotheses that it is the Earth that moves round the sun and not vice versa, on the basis of his experiments on telescope. But he was made to recant and was persecuted. The Copernicus/Galileo hypothesis of solar system gained scientific credence much later.
This discourse is in the context of the HEC’s evaluation of publications in the social sciences/humanities area. The HEC’s list of approved journals does not award ‘W’ status to most of Pakistani journals perhaps because there is no simple means of gauging their impact factor. The HEC needs to review this policy in the light of my analysis.
DR ARIFA FARID
Former Dean, Faculty of Arts,
University of Karachi
PRESIDENT Gen Pervez Musharraf was allowed to contest the presidential election on Oct 6 in the army chief uniform by the Supreme Court of Pakistan, as well as by the Election Commission of Pakistan.
But what happened outside the Election Commission premises on the Constitution Avenue in Islamabad on Saturday was quite shameful indeed.
The print and electronic media people were denied coverage of the important phase of the presidential election when scrutiny of nomination papers filed by Gen Musharraf, Makhdoom Amin Faheem, Justice (r) Wajihuddin Ahmad, Faryal Talpur and others was taking place. They were ruthlessly beaten up, baton-charged and teargassed when they tried to register their protest after the Punjab chief minister’s speeding car had ran over the feet of a journalist.
The lawyers wearing black coats were there in quite orderly and peaceful manner to protest against what they called acceptance of Gen Musharraf’s nomination papers and so were the politicians.
The lawyers were beaten up, the politicians were not spared and the media people targeted by the plainclothesmen first and then pounced upon and baton-charged by the uniformed police as one could view with a sense of grief, shock and concern over the mini-screen of different television channels.
All this unpleasant and ugly developments easily could have been avoided provided wiser sense was allowed to be prevailed by those responsible for the law and order situation.
These uncalled-for developments have indeed raised doubts about claims frequently made regarding freedom of the press and expression.The situation would not have taken any worse and ugly turn if the Election Commission had announced beforehand that the electronic and print media would not be allowed entry into the EC premises, if the prime minister or some federal ministers could have come out and pacified the aggrieved media people, lawyers and politicians instead of viewing the whole dirty episode from a short distance and if the information minister was there in person to ensure proper implementation of the direction to facilitate the media people in the coverage of an important event by the law enforcers.
There is no point in holding an inquiry into the ugly happening by those responsible after the immense damage has been caused.
M.ZAHID RIFAT
Lahore
HISTORICALLY speaking, religious parties in any country have had a narrow political vision. Church in Europe for hundreds of years usurped the basic political, economic, social and human rights of its citizens, it failed to accommodate itself according to the aspiration of the masses. Consequently, it paved the way for revolution there.
Our Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal came into being after US attacks on Afghanistan. It took the political benefits of that, won the election and got powers. In the last five years we witnessed that on matters of supreme national interest the MMA has failed to show its leadership.
This is because its vision is not broad enough to foresee the future.
For instance, they first passed the 17th Amendment, then cut a sorry figure, went to the court before anyone else. And not only they lost, the nation also lost.
See the mullahs in the APC: how keen they were to pass a resolution against Salman Rushdi when the supreme issue was restoration of the Constitution? See them failing to resign on presidential election and getting trapped by their own members?
They threatened with boycotts, protests, long marches when it was unnecessary. Now when their presence is required they are no more seen on the roads. Now it is up to the people that they should vote for those who represent their aspirations.
DR AZHAR MUKHTAR SINDHU
Bahawalpur
THIS is in response Muhammad Shahzad’s query about the 11th Nishan-I-Haider (letter, Oct 4). He is right that so far only 10 martyrs have been awarded the Nishan-i-Haider medal and the last two were after the Kargil war in 1999.
Also correct is the fact that since 2006 an 11th martyr is listed and his portrait displayed alongside the previous 10 in all official instances.
The 11th martyr is Naik Saif Ali Shaheed, a recipient of the highest (military) award of Azad Kashmir, the Hilal-i-Kashmir, which is recognised by the government of Pakistan as ‘equivalent to Nishan-i-Haider.
Therefore, Naik Saif Ali, apparently of Azad Kashmir Regiment, who was martyred in 1948 in Kashmir, was granted an ‘equivalence’ to Nishan-i-Haider, and not the Nishan-i-Haider award itself, which has made him eligible to be counted as an 11th member on the elite list of our martyred national heroes.
That is why most official lists, walls or collages with portraits of martyrs as well as press releases on events from national days, like the Defence Day on Sept 6, mention him along with the previous 10.
What I too would like to know though is details regarding the regulations and reasons which lead to granting the ‘equivalence’, when the decision was made and how it was decided to grant the status to the martyred soldier from 1948 almost six decades later as well as the official army citation regarding his endeavours, all which I hope the ISPR could look into and facilitate making widely publicised, particularly for the interest of military enthusiasts like myself.
HARIS MASOOD ZUBERI
Karachi
THE term of democratic form of government presupposes adult franchise, ie entire adult population having the right to vote candidates to parliament. But adult franchise suits and rightly applies to those developed countries where there is basic education for every one, and where there is complete freedom for people to exercise their democratic rights
When it came into being, Pakistan also adopted the principle of adult franchise. The areas that came into Pakistan were predominantly rural. Therefore, electoral constituencies recorded major population in rural areas. Feudal lords were the masters of all rural areas. They owned huge lands and the agricultural labour working on their lands were given to live on the same lands in thatched shelters.
A community of 100 to 200 of such shelters at one spot formed a village. Some feudal lords owned several hundred of such villages, and people living in them became their subjects. Villagers and their families lived like captives, not allowed to take up any other vocation for their earning except working as forced labour on their land and cattle farms.
Feudal lords harboured squads of strong men to control revolting villagers by giving them severe beating and all other kinds of tortures, even killing the stubborn ones, to serve as an example for other villagers.
In population census the villagers were enlisted as voters and became a valuable and large vote bank for their feudal lords. At the time of election, villagers were made to vote for their feudal lords.
Thousands of feudal lords formed a community of their own and a majority of seats in parliament were from rural constituencies and they were filled only by feudal lords, none else.
With the passage of time villagers managed to escape to cities in search of free life and work. This caused a significant increase in urban population and new population census resulted in the addition of new electoral constituencies in urban areas. Thus the urban seats in the parliament increased over a period of time. This greatly perturbed the feudal lords..
Till that time the voting age was 21. The feudal lords brought a bill for reducing the voting age to 18 years to include their younger villagers in their vote bank. This bill was unanimously passed and was swiftly enacted. The elections of 2002 were held on that basis, 18 years plus.
This is the true picture of adult franchise in Pakistan in which the majority of the country’s population from rural areas voted under coercion of their feudal lords. In principle, all acts committed under duress are considered illegal. Therefore, imagine today the legal status of all the past election results.
The Pakistani masses will never be able to advance unless they unanimously resolve to scrap this fabricated and maintained adult franchise, which is nothing but a tool of feudal lords. The masses should unite to run a campaign for literate franchise as the basis of all future elections.
The logic of literate franchise is in the fact that invariably all illiterate parents would much prefer their educated and aware children of voting age to cast their votes with wisdom rather than the unaware and illiterate parents do that arduous task.
With consensus among the masses built up, they should demand a national referendum in favour of literate franchise. Electoral college would then consist of all matriculate and upper educated male and female population of 18 years and above age in the country. With unanimous support of the masses this referendum will succeed and by a due process of presidential ordinance the majority opinion of the masses will be incorporated in the Constitution as the new basis for all future elections..
The reconstruction of electoral college, on the basis of literate voters, will bring in drastic changes in political and administrative structure of the country. The size of parliament will reduce to almost 35 per cent of the present 326 seats and a similar reduction in cabinet size will bring substantial savings to the national exchequer.
M. M. Khan
Karachi
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